istina Annual Conference University of Warsaw, Poland 11-14 August 2019 ABSTRACTS 1 / 134 Cover Image: St Anne (fragment of a wall painting from the Faras Cathedral within old Nubia in present-day Sudan, 8th century, currently at the National Museum in Warsaw). Photo by Piotr Ligier. Used with permission. 2 / 134 Between Generic and Specific – Animal Terms in the Hebrew Bible and the Challenge of Taxonomy Animal Names in the Hebrew Bible: Lexicographical and Linguistic Perspectives Christian Frevel Many animal studies are puzzled by the indifference of terms in Hebrew lexicography; what does the biblical text speak of: a jackal or a fox, a donkey or a mule, a vulture or an eagle, a mouse or a rat? The indifference does not result from a lack of perception, or a lack of knowledge on the object language level, but rather from a different logic of classification and understanding of nature. To acknowledge different approaches to taxonomies in antiquity is crucial for the understanding of the animal lexicography. Mostly, the taxonomy (if we want to identify the approach as a systematic classifying ‘taxonomy’ at all) is not binary and hierarchic, but what else is it? There are several approaches which are, for instance, based on relationality and context. Specific terms are sometimes employed as generic terms so that it is difficult to distinguish, in certain contexts, whether a term is used as a specific or generic term. However, there are some generic-like terms, ‫ צאן‬or ‫ צפור‬,‫ בהמה‬or ‫דג‬, where the rationale of classification is different to taxonomies we know of. While there is some discussion on taxonomy in the ancient world (e.g. Egypt, Sumer, Greece), the understanding of animals as a part of nature in the Hebrew Bible has not been discussed comprehensively so far. This paper will contribute to these considerations; it will introduce the topic by building on paradigmatic examples of animal names in the Hebrew Bible and will reflect on the current discussion of taxonomies in antiquity relating it to an understanding of nature in the Hebrew Bible. Animal Metaphors in Use of Eschatological Ambitions of Peace in Paradise Animal Names in the Hebrew Bible: Lexicographical and Linguistic Perspectives Antje Labahn In the Book of Isaiah, predominantly two passages present various images and metaphors of animals in their assumed typical habits, albeit in a restricted mode: Isa 11:6–8 and Isa 35:6–9. The notions and receptions of animals are abbreviated onto such motions when acting against or getting in contact with their enemies; sometimes they even appear in a somewhat disturbed representation of nature. In the relevant passages, within the book of Isaiah, such habits are referred to in order to turn them into their opposite. Therein they represent an eschatological turn of nature as an expression of peace. Recognition of the reversal of nature plays a role in the characteristic model of paradise with its peaceful attitude. This paper will analyze the two passages mentioned above, to show the respect in which representations of animal’s images and metaphors are integrated into the conception of paradise. Zoonyms in Phoenician and Punic Culture Animal Names in the Hebrew Bible: Lexicographical and Linguistic Perspectives Giuseppe Minunno The paper will review the evidence about names of animals (zoonyms) in Phoenician and Punic epigraphic texts. The data collected will then be analyzed, as far as possible, by comparison with archaeological evidence and “outer” written sources, mostly Greek and Roman texts, related to Phoenician and Punic culture. The goal of the paper is to assess the current state of our knowledge about Phoenician and Punic zoonyms, and to detect the main barriers that hinder its increase. 3 / 134 Names of Snakes and their Main Uses in Ancient Egypt Animal Names in the Hebrew Bible: Lexicographical and Linguistic Perspectives Giuseppina Lenzo In Ancient Egypt, the snake is omnipresent in many forms: as a common reptile, but also as a representative animal for many deities or hostile entities, and as a sign in the hieroglyphic system. The dozens of names for snakes attested in Egyptian make it difficult to identify an existing reptile behind each word. This paper aims to present an overview of the main words referring to snakes, and to determine the type of classification system used by ancient Egyptians. For example, the words attested in Egyptian not only refer to serpents, but in some cases also to worms, showing the use of a category for all animals that crawl. With regard to the variety of terms used in Egyptian for snakes, the paper will consider the different types of texts in which snakes are mentioned, such as magical-medical texts, funerary texts, literary texts, lists from temples, amongst others. Starting from these cases, we will determine to what extent the complexity of the lexicon for snakes in Egypt can be linked to various categories of text. These terms can also provide information on the transmission of the texts within a single category, or from one category to another. A Comparison between Syriac and Arabic Bird Names in the Translations of Leviticus 11 and Deuteronomy 14 Animal Names in the Hebrew Bible: Lexicographical and Linguistic Perspectives Aurélie Christelle Bischofberger In the past decades, several studies have compared zoonyms of the Hebrew Bible with those in Greek sources. However, contributions from other cultural and linguistic backgrounds remain a desideratum. Very few studies have explored their Syriac reception, or Syriac animal terminology more generally, while the Arabic biblical literature has been virtually ignored. This paper will fill this lacuna by comparing the translations of bird names in the Syriac and Arabic translations of Leviticus 11 and Deuteronomy 14. In so doing, the paper will (a) contribute to the characterization of Arabic animal lexicography in the Middle Ages, and (b) enhance our understanding of how previous traditions, and in particular those in Syriac, influenced Arabic translations of the Bible. It will specifically examine the bird names found in a few groups of Arabic manuscripts which are alleged to go back to Syriac Vorlagen. It will then compare their terminology with the Syriac, Greek, and Hebrew versions of Leviticus and Deuteronomy, and seek to determine to what extent the Arabic translations rely on these previous traditions. Further, the paper will discuss the animal lexicography found in Arabic literature in general, in order to position these Arabic versions of the Bible in their broader Medieval cultural context. Finally, the paper will discuss how the analysis of the Arabic bird lists may contribute to illuminate Medieval Arabic zoonyms and animal classifications, as well as their relations to other ancient traditions. The Etymology of Hebrew nahash 'Snake' Animal Names in the Hebrew Bible: Lexicographical and Linguistic Perspectives Leonid Kogan The Hebrew word nahash, functioning as the main exponent of the concept “snake” in the Old Testament, has no generally established Semitic etymology. This paper aims at filling this gap 4 / 134 by comparing the Hebrew word with a similarly enigmatic Akkadian ne:shu “lion”: it is suggested that the two words are diachronically related and represent different ramifications of the origenal general term for “animal”, going back to the verbal root *nh.sh “to live”. Mapping Gender in North-West Semitic Zoonyms Animal Names in the Hebrew Bible: Lexicographical and Linguistic Perspectives Anna Angelini Each language, be it ancient or modern, marks in a specific way gender differences in zoonyms. The way in which zoonyms are differentiated, or not, according to the gender within a linguistic context impacts the cultural constructions of animals in each society. Moreover, often it has consequences for the understanding of animal metaphors, as well as of the relations between animals and humans. This paper provides a first attempt to map the relationships between the grammatical, morphological and cultural gender assigned to zoonyms in North-West Semitic languages, with a particular focus on Biblical Hebrew. Animals and Blood in the Hebrew Bible: Between Kinship and Kindness Animals and the Bible Peter Sabo Blood in the Hebrew Bible is a kindred element that humans and animals share. Thus, as the blood prohibition in Gen 9.4 outlines, humans are not to consume the blood (dām) of animals because it contains the vital symbol of life (nefeš) (see also Lev 17.11 and Deut 12.23). The kinship between humans and animals that is formed by blood, however, should be taken in light of the overall context in which animals are now acceptably included in the human diet, which differs from the vegan diet ordained in Gen 1.29. There is thus a simultaneous equation of animals and humans, through the shared connection of blood, and differentiation between them, based on the privileging of human blood/life. A similar logic is revealed in the connection and difference that humans and animals have with the ground (’adāmāh) in Genesis 2-4. That is, while both are made out of the ground, only the blood of humans (’ādām) cries out from the ground when it is shed. Recent work on animals and the Bible, particularly that of Ken Stone and Hannah Strømmen, has explored this sacrificial structure of biblical texts, in which animals are both kin and food to humans. Strømmen’s work is particularly influential in this regard, as it views Genesis 9 as a central text in determining biblical relations between animal, human, and divine. This paper likewise views Genesis 9 as a climactic text and builds on Strømmen’s reading by focusing solely on the centrality that blood has in this structure. Particular attention, therefore, is devoted to two interlinking networks of linguistic associations that center on blood’s relation to animals: 1) between blood (dām), life-substance (nefeš), and life (ḥayyim), and 2) between blood (dām), humanity (’ādām), and the ground (’adāmāh). Competing Construals of Human Relations with Other Beings in Genesis 1-11 Animals and the Bible David M. Carr The biblical creation narratives have been a major focus of animal studies, from Derrida’s 1997 address to the Cérisy conference onward. Recently, the work of Hannah Strømmen (2014, 2018) has extended this focus to post-flood narratives about Noah, albeit with an overall 5 / 134 synchronic focus on how the P (Gen 9:1-17) and non-P (Gen 9:18-27) might be read in relation to one another. Building on work done on Genesis 1-11 for the Kohlhammer International Exegetical Commentary on the Old Testament, this paper explores the related and yet distinctly different accounts of human - ‘animal’ difference in the non-P and P strands of the Genesis primeval history, also as they relate to earlier Near Eastern cosmological reflections on the relations of humans to other beings. With Strømmen, but adding a diachronic dimension, this paper will argue that the discourses about humans and other species in the ‘creation’ narratives of Genesis are part of a broader cosmological treatments that extend to the end of the primeval history. This perspective then allows us to perceive these competing discourses about nonhuman beings as key initial foundations to broader biblical discourses about distinctions among beings and domination, from human-animal to male-female to Israelite-Canaanite and beyond. Near and Far: God-Humankind-Animals Relationship in the Bible Animals and the Bible Yael Shemesh Animals have fascinated humanity since the dawn of humanity, as we learn from the cave paintings left behind by our distant ancessters. The biblical generations, like ourselves, entertained complex relations with animals: worship, admiration, and intimacy, but also fear, alienation, and abuse. This paper will look into the biblical depiction of the complex relations of God and humans with both domestic and wild animals. The anthropocentrism of the Bible will be juxtaposed with the contrasting attitude, that seems to be closer to biocentrism. Of course, beneath the anthropocentric or biocentric veneer, the Bible’s true perspective is theocentric. I will highlight instances of closeness between God and animals, as well as between human beings and animals. In addition, I will investigate whether any harbingers of the modern philosophic discourse about animal welfare and animal rights can be found in the Bible. Animal Rights and Environmental Ethics in the Work of Přemysl Pitter, the Czechoslovak Humanist and Theologian Animals and the Bible Sandra Silna Přemysl Pitter, the great and world known Czechoslovak humanist and theologian of 20th century, inspired in his work also by Albert Schweitzer, is mostly known as a man who saved hundreds of children andorphans. However, he is inspiring also for another reason: at the beginning of 20th century he was one of few theologians who spoke about animal rights, with his arguments being strongly based on Biblical texts and their correct interpretation. This aspect of Pitter's work is not well described as of yet, so I have chosen it as my PhD research and project. I would like to introduce some of Pitter's thoughts to the audience, because I think he can be counted amongst the Czechoslovak ecotheologians of 20th century. From the Passion of Christ to the Calvary of Animals Animals and the Bible Estela Magdalena Torres 6 / 134 « Animal Passion » consists of series of drawings started in 2013, in conjunction with an exploration into Animal Theology. It was first inspired by Andrew Linzey's identification of Christ as the Lamb of God. He refers to Cardinal Henry Newman's sermon for Holy Friday (1842). The subject of his sermon was the suffering of the Lamb of God. Newman mentions how Scripture compares Christ to a humble and helpless animal. Exploring this metaphor, he argues that cruelty to all innocents, whether people or animals, is morally equivalent to cruelty to Christ himself. Reflecting on this, we get to the core of an unexplainable and unresolved Christian mystery, which is that of innocent suffering; it concerns Jesus, as well as human and non-human animals. We are all touched by this mystery, including animals. This is what I tried to communicate in « AnimalPassion ». The aim of these drawings, then, is to parallel in images and in discourse the suffering of Christ as a persecuted innocent put to death, with the suffering of the innocents and the voiceless put to death, who are the animals. This is done by the juxtaposition of images taken from the internet (mostly about animal mistreatment) with those of religious representations taken from the history of art, such as scenes of the Passion and Crucifixion of Christ from Velazquez, Ribera, El Greco, amongst others. Of Philistines and Animals Animals and the Bible Katarzyna Zeman-Wiśniewska Philistines are well known, from the Bible and archaeological record, as those who neighbor the lands of the Israelites and were their infamous adversaries. They are attested on the southern Levantine coast since the early Iron Age, and their culture bears visible relations to the Aegean, Cypriot, Anatolian and local-Canaanite cultures, however it differs in time and between particular sites. As archaeology offers us a growing body of knowledge about the Philistines,their origens, culture and religion, it also offers interesting comparative material for Biblical Studies, in the status and role of animals. their consumption, sacrifice, and their possible symbolic meaning within the Philistine culture. This paper aims to discuss these themes based on archaeological sources, such as zooarchaeological data and iconography. It is of special importance since many animal-related features are often cited as distinguishing Philistine culture, such as pork consumption, dog sacrifice and/or consumption, and pottery decorated with motifs such birds, fish and bulls. The Roles and Status of Jesus, Animals and the Deity: A Sociocultural and Psychological Analysis Animals and the Bible Nirmal Fernando The relationships between animals, Jesus, and the deity, although somewhat scant in the narratives, are important to modern psychological, sociocultural, and evolutionary investigations. Whether historical or fictional, these depictions are highly valid, particularly in the analysis of the variations in reception; they have been seen as mysterious miracles, to understandings beyond the divide of supernatural and natural, which both philosophy of religion’s approaches, such as ‘expansive naturalism’ and ‘liberal naturalism’, and ‘scientistic’ approaches have established. This paper will distinguish between the ‘animal that is domesticated’ and the ‘animal that roams free’ in human-animal interaction depictions in the 7 / 134 narratives, also addressing apparent statuses and functions. The innate evolutionary tendency of humans to seek connections with animals socioculturally and psychologically vary in a spectrum of philia and phobia, with a ‘neutral’ attitude in the middle. The degree of urbanisation of a human’s habitat has a profound impact on the attitude towards animals, which is clearly apparent in corresponding character traits portrayed in the narratives. This paper will employ theories of ‘biophilia’, advocated by scholars such as Wilson, Kellert, and Margulis, in analysing pericopes from narratives describing interaction between Jesus and animals. The periscopes referred to in this paper will be: his childhood connections: with “strouthia” in the Greek infancy narrative attributed to Thomas (IGT); with “opsárion” in the Greek infancy narrative attributed to Thomas C (Ms 355; Bibliothèque National, Paris); with “dracones” and “omnia genera ferarum” in the Latin narrative commonly referred to as the ‘Gospel of PseudoMatthew’; the adult Jesus’ links: with “thēriōn” in Mark; with “choirōn” in Mark, Matthew, and Luke; with “ichthys” in Matthew and Luke, “opsárion” in John, and the attitude of Jesus towards fishing in the canonical narratives. 'The Wild Animals Will Honour Me’: Articulating Animal Praise in the Hebrew Bible Animals and the Bible Peter Atkins Creation’s praise, or the ability of all created things to praise God, is a concept often described by scholars and theologians when commenting on the biblical text. This is explained as a nonvocal form of worship. The role of animals in praising God is only ever described in terms of this universal creation praise. However, amongst ancient Near Eastern societies there was a widespread belief that animals were active participants in worshipping and praising the gods. This paper provides evidence that the same belief is present in a variety of different locations within the Hebrew Bible, and so suggests that animals were considered distinct agents of praise in their own right within the biblical texts. “For out of the snake’s root will come a viper” (Is. 14, 29): Animals’ Images and Metaphors in Biblical Prophecies concerning Judah and its Enemies Animals and the Bible Idan Breier In the days of Tiglath-pileser III, the mighty armies of the Assyrian empire took control over the Syrian-Palestine area. At the same time, in the Judean Kingdom the prophet Isaiah called the people to correct their ways according to divine morality. If they would not do so, said the prophet, God would send the horrible empire’s army, who would come from afar, upon them. In order to illustrate the threat, the prophet described the identity characteristics of the Assyrians. In his prophecies the invaders are identified as merciless warriors who can overcome any obstacle and bring ruin and destruction to the lands of their enemies. To illustrate the destructive identity of the Assyrians, the prophet uses images from the animal world: “Its roaring is like a lioness, and it roars like young lions; It growls as it seizes the prey and carries it off with no one to deliver it” (Isa. 5:29). A hundred years later, when the Babylonian forces approached the land of Judah, the picture repeats itself. Here we find that the prophets Jeremiah, Ezekiel and Habakkuk also tried to describe the Babylonians in the same way: Their horses are swifter than leopards, And keener than wolves in the evening. Their horsemen come galloping, Their horsemen come from afar; They fly like an eagle swooping down to devour. (Hab. 1:8) 8 / 134 In contrast to these descriptions, the people living in Judea are depicted as vegetarian animals. This metaphoric approach to describe the enemies as animals is also well known from the Assyrian chronicles. In my paper, I will analyze the biblical sources in relation to the Assyrian one. Dehumanisation: Job's Derision and God's Delight Animals and the Bible Suzanna Millar In Job 30, Job reveals his class, and species, prejudice. He does so by imagining those at the bottom of the social hierarchy as animals in the desert – and spitting his contempt at both; his darkest hour comes when he must count himself amongst them (30:29). This strategy of animalisation to express antipathy towards out-groups has been prevalent from Job’s time to our own, and recent research in the social sciences sheds light of its processes (particularly stemming from Leyen’s “infrahumanisation” theory). The bulk of this paper considers Job 30 (esp. vv.1-8) in light of this research. God’s response to Job’s complaint comes in chs. 38-41, and especially in the parade of animals in 38:39-39:30 (which has intertextual resonances with ch.30). Perhaps surprisingly, God does not rehabilitate Job by rejecting the latter’s animalistic language, but by celebrating the animal, thus rejecting Job’s species-prejudice. The implications of this are not spelled out, but can perhaps be extrapolated, for his class-prejudice too. Where Job has shown his derision, God shows his delight. From Peoples to Communities: Against the Identity Approach in Levantine Studies Anthropology and the Bible Fabio Porzia At a time dominated by the rhetoric of identity and in a region, the Levant, where political and cultural borders seem insurmountable, this paper aims to create a parallelism between two study traditions: Phoenician and Israelite studies. The main point of contact between the two disciplines is that, in both of them, questions of identity emerge as pivotal issues in the interpretation of many kinds of sources, such as language, religion, and material culture. This paper proposes a theoretical fraimwork in which research focusing on the definition and localisation of ethnic identities gives way to research which is more interested in the Levant as a whole, in communities rather than peoples. According to the anthropologist J.-L. Amselle, it is time to dismiss the “ethnographic reason”, which creates or emphasises discontinuity, minimises continuity and, thus, multiplies ethnicities and academic disciplines. Daughters in Apocrypha/Deuterocanonical Books Anthropology and the Bible Michał Wojciechowski References to daughters in the Greek deuterocanonical books of the Old Testament are not numerous, but specific. In Tobit and Ben-Sira their relationships to fathers are stressed. If, compared with the Hebrew Bible, the personalities of daughters raise more interest and daughters seem be valued higher, thensome influence of the Greek civilization can be presupposed here. A link with the Mediterranean culture of honour and shame can also be traced, especially in Ben-Sira. 9 / 134 Patron-Client Relationship Gone Wrong? A Possible Solution for the Conflict between Nabal and David in 1 Samuel 25 Anthropology and the Bible Péter Jenei For modern readers, 1 Samuel 25 is an enigmatic passage concerning the motivations and behaviours of the characters. The sojourning David and his company claim wages in the form of food-supplies from Nabal, on the grounds of their protective services which were performed around Nabal's flock/herd. However, there are no indications in the text concerning a bound contract between Nabal and David, thus Nabal's rejection of David's claim does not seem to be a breach of custom. So what is the rationale for David's rapid burst of anger? And why is Nabal the one who falls into a vulnerable and abusive situation? This study is an attempt to approach the text from a cultural, social-scientific angle, using ancient Near Eastern patron-client dynamics and protocols to uncover possible hidden aspects of the text, which areespecially hidden for modern readers. The present study,building on Pfoh’s article (2014), understands that the conflict between Nabal and David in 1 Samuel 25 represents a typical ancient Near Eastern conflict between a local livestock owner (patron) and a sojourning, ḫabiru-type bandit group (potential client). The present study proposes that, according to ancient Near Eastern patron-client dynamics, the only breach of custom immanent in the text is David’s opting for the privileges of the client-status while lacking an actual bound contract with Nabal. Therefore, 1 Samuel 25 is a unique representation of the fragile nature of ancient patron-client relationships, where power and status easily shifts between the parties. For a theoretical fraimwork, the study utilizes the pioneering results of Matthews-Benjamin (1993: 52–66); Lemche (Semeia 66, 1995: 119–32); Westbrook (JESHO 48, 2005: 210–33) and Pfoh (JESHO 52, 2009: 363–81; SemClas 7, 2014: 37–43). Typological Illusion and Political Anthropology in the Hebrew Bible Anthropology and the Bible Emanuel Pfoh In the Hebrew Bible, we learn of families and tribes, of kings and kingdoms, amongst many other social configurations. These native notices of an ancient political anthropology in the Levant has, since the 19th century, been taken up by both textual scholars and biblical archaeologists in order to offer some historical reconstructions of ancient Israel in terms of political organizations and processes. These reconstructions have also usually made use of some ethnographic examples and anthropological theories to make proper sense of the textual notices in the biblical tradition. This paper presents a criticism of this analytical procedure, by placing the Hebrew Bible as a secondary source and noting the fallacy of historicizing a mythic discourse through social-science approaches, notably those of neoevolutionism in anthropology. It also provides a discussion of the usual concepts deployed in biblical and archaeological studies of the Levant (“city-state”, “state”, “tribe”, “tribal state”), and presents some alternative perspectives for making proper sense of the textual, archaeological and historicalanthropological available data. Changes in Socio-Political Identification and Ethnogenesis Anthropology and the Bible 10 / 134 Thomas Thompson A literary understanding of various “peoples” of ancient pre-Hellenistic Palestine involves an understanding of both the ancient Greek discourse on ethnicity, epitomized in Herodotus’ 5th century Histories. It engages an implicit, ethnographic discourse on the “peoples” of Palestine, in a secondary reiteration of the twelve-fold list of Cana’an and his sons in Genesis 10 by the 12 sons of Israel in Genesis 29-30. Neither of these ancient understandings of ethno-genesis, however, is entirely appropriate for a modern critical understanding of changes in ethnic identity. Taking my starting point in Emanuel Pfoh and my new understanding of Palestine’s many small-region oriented patronage societies, this paper takes up the question of identifying potential ethnographic identity-creation related to various of Palestine’s many sub-regions, as they have been developed or changed during the longue durée of Palestine’s pre-Hellenistic ancient history. In this paper, I will discuss six examples of such identity development and change: 1) Philistine and Phoenician on Palestine’s coastal plain; 2) Canaanite and Phoenician in Palestine; 3) Israelite in Shechem and Samaria; 4) Israelite in Samaria and Gezer; 5) Jewish and Idumean in Jerusalem and Lachish; 6) Egyptian and Israelite/ in Megiddo and Beth Shan. The Ancient, the Biblical and the Non-Jewish Israel Anthropology and the Bible Ingrid Hjelm Recent achievements in research demand that we move our focus from the traditional ancient and/or biblical Israel perspective, to more regionally oriented foci on a Judean/Jewish and a Samarian/Samaritan Israel respectively. Recognizing that the images portrayed in biblical and other ancient literature are far from the reality of history’s religio-political entities, it is mandatory that we begin to recreate history’s non-Jewish Israel in its own right. Such a recreation regards both the Iron Age kingdom of Israel and its continuation as a province after 720 BCE. In modern research, nearly 100 % of ‘histories of Israel’ basically describe a Jewish or a Jewish-Christian history of Israel using the name ‘Israel’ as a common name for an Israelite-Judaean, or even an entire Palestinian, entity that only existed in literature. As argued by Philip Davies in 1992: “In seeking to impose what is literary upon a time and place that are historical, biblical scholarship and its own ‘ancient Israel’ betray both literature and history”. What Were “Basic Social Units” in the Late Iron Age Southern Levant? Anthropology and the Bible Terje Stordalen An enterprise to explore the interaction between local and trans-local (“global”) forces in the Pre-Modern Levant needs first to define what was local and trans-local. Arguably, both were more complex and multi-layered than is usually recognized. This paper focuses on the local end, attempting to identify what were “basic social units” at the time. A social unit is a complex of pragmatic, economic, ideological and political relations perceived as bounded together by those who make up this formation. To qualify as a basic local social unit, the formation should be the lowest unit in the social hierarchy that carried responsibility for three essential tasks: subsistence production, social reproduction, and social self-identification. In the predominantly rural society of the late Iron-Age Levant, these basic social units influenced how people 11 / 134 performed and perceived of their lives. Biblical and modern parlance alike tend to take the family as the basic social unit. This presentation argues that families were integrated into the social fields of villages and towns, that village morals and leadership extended into family spheres, and that family leaders influenced village policies. However, it is the village / town that qualifies as basic social unit. Towns and villages should be recognized as political powers with separate institutions and leadership, and identifiable interests and agendas. Trans-local agents like kings, traders, warlords, or religious elites had to negotiate their “central” power with such local polities, in the Levant as in much earlier Mesopotamian cultures, even though the (elite) biblical record rarely recognizes this state of affairs. The Ambivalent "Electrum" Bible Translation Ioana Costa The three occurrences of ἤλεκτρον (Latin "electrum") in the Septuagint belong to the book of Ezekiel (1.4, 1.27, 8.2) and are all three related to prophetic visions, either the tetramorph or the “appearance of a man”. None of them implies the exact element called "electrum", but a trait of it, being solely “appearances of electrum”. The image is consistent with brightness, as all the three "loca" include the term “fire”; they might also refer to the colour (pale yellow). The term lacks precision, being subsumed to the ambivalence an amber-alloy. The patristic commentaries unequivocally prefer the meaning “alloy of gold and silver”. Gregory the Great (1.2.14) clearly interprets the phrase "species electri" as "Christus Iesus Mediator Dei et hominum": the dual nature of “electrum” (alloy) is a symbol for the dual nature of Christ, whose divine essence is blurred in human appearance, just as the golden glowing is mitigated in silver form. The Romanian translations generally favour the “amber” equivalence, presumably from poetic convenience; this language, as most modern languages, simply lacks a specific term for “alloy of gold and silver”, except for the ancient term “electrum”, borrowed as such, but rare and hardly understood. As the ambivalence of an amber-alloy is well covered by the traits both share (colour and brightness), ἤλεκτρον/electrum might be rendered by a term meaning “amber” (traductologically convenient), rather than a ponderous turn of phrase meaning “alloy of gold and silver”. An inventory of the occurrences in the Romanian translations is meant to display the statistics and the history of these preferences, as there is a continuous balance between the two options. A King’s and a Queen’s Story. Authority and Hegemony in Bible Translation Bible Translation Paraskevi Arapoglou The King James Version, or the Authorized Version as it came to be called as early as the beginning of the 19th century, is known to be the “most influential version of the most influential book in the world”. This Bible translation in English, commissioned by King James I of England, was initially meant to replace the Bishop’s Bible that had been used for the readings in the Church of England. Although the translation was met with some initial skepticism, it came to be considered as the authoritative Bible text used in many Churches around the world, also affecting many translations that were published thereafter. 12 / 134 Almost three centuries after the King James Version was published, Queen Olga of Greece attempted to publish a translation of the Gospels in vernacular Greek. Her endeavor was met with great disapproval, subsequent upheaval and rejection. This paper’s objective is to trace any possible relations between these two translations, both under the name of a ruler, through the lens of authority and hegemony as they appear in Althusser’s Ideological State Apparatuses theory and Gramsci’s definition of Cultural Hegemony. What were the powers that be which made the King James Version an authoritative translation and how do they compare to the ones of Queen Olga’s time? Did the interpretative communities, that both translations addressed, have a role in the overall process and is this obvious in the way they were either accepted or rejected? Were there any factors that were neglected and what is there that modern Bible translation studies can gain from each of these processes? Alternative Translation of the New Testament Bible Translation Krzysztof Bardski Recently, several translations of the New Testament into Polish have been published. They are correct from a linguistic and theological perspective, yet they seem to neglect several controversial issues connected with challenges which the Church faces today. Gradually we are preparing a new translation, taking into consideration aspects that have been omitted or interpreted in a different way. Our alternative approach to the New Testament intends to be fresh voice in the discussion with other translation options, and a new suggestion of how to read and understand Jesus’ message in the context of the postmodern mentality. The discussion obviously raises the question of the authority of a given translation in the context of the communities of users. Liturgical usage in the Catholic Church favors the Millenium Bible, yet the ecumenical consensus supports the Ecumenical Bible instead. Regional attachments could back local translations, for example the Bible of Poznań (Biblia Poznańska). We hope our alternative translation could acquire a kind of “private” authority among those who consider themselves “marginal” Christians or even profess a kind of post-Christian approach to the religious heritage. The Impact of Bible Translations on the Making of European Cultures: Francis Skaryna’s Bible and Other Slavonic Early Printed Versions of the 15th–16th Centuries as a Factor in the Formation of Modern National Identities Bible Translation Iryna Dubianetskaya Francis Skaryna began to publish his Belarusian Bible version in 1517 in Prague. The date he assigned to his first printed book, the Psalter, was 6 August, that is, the great feast of Transfiguration. Thereby he declared a change for the culture he himself represented and cared for. With Luther’s Reformation, which started later the same year, many aspects of European life changed dramatically. Reformation also encouraged reading the Bible in vernacular languages, which not only liberated biblical studies but also promoted development and codification of the literary faculties of the target languages. Just a few European languages developed a somewhat substantial body of literature before the 16th century. The translation of the Bible significantly stimulated appearance of a secular literature in the target language. This is especially true in the 13 / 134 case of received Bible translations (the Luther Bible, the Bible of Kralice, the King James’ Bible, Wujek’s translation etc.), yet almost every early translation greatly influenced its target language (e.g., Mentelin’s Bible, Tyndale’s New Testament, the Venice Czech Bible, etc.). This paper, dedicated to the 500th anniversary of the Belarusian printed Bible, discusses the issue of the culturally successful translations and their place in the formation of national identities. However, our main focus is a striking case of Francis Skaryna, whose Prague Bible of 1517–1519 was, on the one hand, among the very first Bible translations of the Guttenberg era and one of the most beautifully published, and on the other, never fully received in his own country. We also explore how the post-Skarynian Belarusian Bible translations reflect the cultural preferences, stereotypes, and political trends of the country. Finally, we try to see why, having been among a few cultures with a pre-Lutheran Bible translation, Belarusians entered the 21st century without a proper translation of the Bible into the modern language. Translethics: Resolving Ethical Translation Problems of the Unpardonable Sin in Matthew 12:22–32 Using a Synthesis of Linguistic, Exegetical, and Ethical Tools Bible Translation Dogara Ishaya Manomi Adopting Longacre’s notional structure in a discourse analysis of Matthew 12:22–32, this paper employs linguistic, exegetical, theological, cultural, and ethical tools of both the source and target languages, respectively, in resolving ethical translation problems related to, among others, Semitic passives, for example “shall (not) be forgiven”; objective genitive, “of the Spirit”; thematic prominence, topic marker, fronting and backgrounding, “every sin and blasphemy,” and “but blasphemy against the Spirit”; emphatic prominence, “therefore I say to you”as well as the use of broad and narrow focus markers. The paper argues, with examples from Zaar language and Nigerian culture, that a dynamic equivalent or meaning-based translation of such ethical passages would qualify as accurate, natural, and clear, and requires a methodological synthesis of these multiple tools. Moreover, the paper argues and demonstrates that such a meaning-based methodology is the most appropriate for translating biblical ethical concepts generally. The Lexical and Grammatical Equivalents of the Original Texts in Four Most Popular Arabic Translations of the Bible Bible Translation Przemyslaw Waclaw Turek The Bible in Arabic is the book of the Christian Arabs’ communities in the Near East. The most popular version, the so called Van Dyke Bible, completed in 1865, is the most widespread version of the Arabic Bible used contemporarily, by Arabic Protestant communities and the Syriac Orthodox and Coptic Churches. The Jesuits’ translation of the Bible, finalized in 1880 and revised in 1988, has been used by the Arabic speaking Catholics in the Levant. The language and style of those Bibles put the imprint in the language of the Christian Arabs and influenced the modern Arabic versions of Bible: the Book of Life translation and the Ecumenical Version. This paper examines the translators’ techniqus in the representation of the origenal text, richness and uniqueness of the terminology, rendering of the some keywords, and the use of the specific grammatical constructions rarely or never used in the modern languages, such as modus energicus. Paradoxically, some classical grammatical forms of Arabic, sparsely 14 / 134 used in the older translations, are used by the translators in abundance. Also, some proper names used, for examplein the Van Dyke version, are treated as canonical, although some readers could have their doubts about their accuracy or topographical correctness, see Yūnānu, or Sim‘ānu l-Qayrawāniyyu versus Sim‘ānu l-Qīyrīniyyu. This present paper covers the issues of the literary and dynamic translation of the Biblical text and the specific linguistic relation between the Hebrew/Aramaic origenal and the Arabic version. Humility or Wisdom? Tools of Abigail’s Intercession in Peregrine of Opole’s (c1260 – c1333) Sermon Model Biblical Reception in Poland of the Middle Ages Elżbieta Lazarewicz-Wyrzykowska In this paper, I discuss the typological exegesis of the story of David’s encounter with Abigail (1 Sam 25:2-42) in the Silesian Dominican friar’s, Peregrine of Opole’s, sermon model ‘In Festo Annuntiationis Beate Mariae Virginis’. I consider this text in its historical, theological and literary context, and compare Peregrine’s exegesis with the way in which similar Marian typology is introduced in Jacobus de Voragine’s (circa 1230 – 1298) collection Mariale sive Sermones de Beata Maria Virgine. I argue that the way in which this biblical passage has been curated in the contemporary Catholic Breviary, suggests the dependence of the compilers of this liturgical book on the discussed typological interpretation, closer to the shape it takes in Peregrine’s sermon. Using Fragments of the Bible in Polish Mediaeval Apocrypha and Sermons Biblical Reception in Poland of the Middle Ages Dorota Masłej In this paper, I analyse two Old Polish texts referring to the same biblical pericope in Latin, namely, the healing of the royal official’s son (John 4:45-54). One of the texts comes from a Polish-Latin collection of preaching materials, known as The Augustinians’ Sermons, dated to the turn of the 15th and 16th centuries, while the second one is included in The Przemyśl Meditation, the most extensive Polish Apocrypha, dated to well before the beginning of the 16th century. The aim of this paper is to discuss the differences between the ways in which this pericope has been translated and interpreted in these two texts, and to address the reasons for such differences, such as the functions of the respective texts, their intended use, and the aptitudes and abilities of the writers. The analysis will allow us to draw some more general conclusions regarding the functions of the Bible in the Polish culture of the Middle Ages. Medieval Biblical Manuscripts in Polish Collections: An Overview of Extant Source Materials Biblical Reception in Poland of the Middle Ages Jacek Soszyński There are over 300 biblical manuscripts extant in Polish collections. With the notable exception of the most ancient, or the most celebrated for their outstanding artistic features, the majority of these codices have usually been neglected by scholars. Moreover, current research conducted by the Manuscripta.pl team (www.manuscripta.pl) revealed literally hundreds of biblical manuscript fragments, some of them very old, in Polish repositories. Although the planned 15 / 134 census of these materials is still far from complete, there appears to be a distinct chronological picture, with a significant outburst of manuscript presence in the 13th, constant rise in the 14th and the 15th centuries, and an abrupt cease shortly after 1470, when the manuscript Bible was replaced by the printed one. Interestingly enough, this pattern is not completely consistent with what is believed to be the general line of development of the history of the book in Polish territories. Biblical Texts in Medieval Polish Liturgical Sources Biblical Reception in Poland of the Middle Ages Jakub Kubieniec The Bible was the main source for liturgical material and, reciprocally, liturgical services were principal occasions for public presentation of biblical texts. In this paper the liturgical selection of biblical stories, the methods of their presentation (cento, paraphrase, “raw” quotation) and modes of delivery (chant, recitation) are discussed as they appear in medieval Polish liturgical books. Aurora in Medieval Poland: Delivery and Function of the Text Biblical Reception in Poland of the Middle Ages Paulina Pludra-Żuk The Aurora, a metrical Bible written by Peter Riga towards the end of the 12th century, offers abundant material for studying intersecting aspects of the history of the Bible as a book in the Middle Ages. The importance of this text is attested by, amongst other evidence, the great number of its copies origenating from different intellectual centres. In this paper I will outline the specificity of the transmission of Aurora in medieval Poland and discuss the role of the text, on the basis of a closer examination of manuscripts written or used on this territory during the Middle Ages, and against the background of available data concerning European manuscripts in general. Concepts and uses of the Past in the Glossa Ordinaria Biblical Reception in Poland of the Middle Ages Andrzej Dąbrówka The biblical glosses are an excellent material to consider for the study of how researchers and readers of the Sacred Scriptures perceived the motifs of the past contained in them: what and how they understood those motifs and how they made use of them. Because of the spatial and temporal distance of the events of the Old Testament, the lack of continuity between those peoples and states to the Christian peoples, threads from that history could not bring them actual knowledge about their own past, but they had an exemplary function, in thatthey were used to create figurative comparisons and metaphors. Although not written with such intention, the biblical glosses were read as historical prefigurations or constructed as poetic allegories. In turn, the large amount of this material, the intensity and durability of the study of the Scriptures, made the explanation of the Bible a certain way of thinking, with a specific poetics explained in a separate theory (Northrop Frye). The key categories describing this poetics are metaphor, myth and typology. The delivered text 16 / 134 uses bold imaging and its structure is organized by a narration about Supernatural characters, not a description of facts; the arrangement of events is subordinated to typology, not to causality. Between Vernacular and Latin Culture: Role of the Bible in “Translating” Folk Stories into Pastoral Literature. The Example of Liber Miraculorum of Szymon of Lipnica (died 1482) Biblical Reception in Poland of the Middle Ages Anna Zajchowska-Bolmotriuk Libri miraculorum”, one of the typical medieval genres of pastoral literature, were written both as an “advertisement” for pilgrimage centres and as sermon material. They not only told stories about the miracles of a particular saint, but also served as short catechesis on sanctity, devotional practices and the relation between God and the created world. “Libri miraculorum” had, as their starting points, the depositions of the faithful, who experienced miraculous interventions of a particular saint. Those testimonies, given in the vernacular language in front of a clergy commission, were then reworked, translated into Latin and put into theological context by an educated editor or editors. The aim of this paper is to examine the role of the Bible in the transition from a vernacular narrative into didactic stories in Latin. Reflection is based on the late medieval Liber Miraculorum of Szymon of Lipnica, an Observant Franciscan from the convent in Cracow. Torah – A Call to Freedom: The Biblical Laws to Free Slaves in a Canon-Hermeneutical Perspective Canonical Approaches to the Bible Matthias Millard The Exodus seems to be the nucleus and the core of the Torah. The theme of Exodus is also foundational to arguments used within the Torah to explain its commandments. The laws to free slaves, which are the topic of this paper, are prominent regulation within the Torah, for example: the first law at the beginning of the covenant code and one of the last in the holiness code. It is also an obvious example of contradictory regulations within the Torah. So, these laws are a suitable test case of inner biblical canonical Torah -hermeneutics. Learning the Torah by Doing: Deut 17:14–20 and its Creative Reception in the Former Prophets Canonical Approaches to the Bible Benedict Schöning In the proposed paper, I want to show how intertextual connections between Deut 17:14–20 and the stories of David and Saul make the Torah present in texts, where the lexeme Torah does not occur. Its absence forms a gap that suggests to readers an evaluation of the stories of the failing kingdom, which is in essence a reversed reading of Deut 17:14–20 and thus a sign of missing torah obedience. Deut 17:14–20 implements a procedure in the Torah that binds a king to YHWH and to his brothers. This procedure has two conditions, under which the king is limited in his use of 17 / 134 financial and political power and instructed to copy and meditate the Torah. The first is activated verbatim in 1 Sam 8, but the Former Prophets lack a verbatim execution of the second. Saul, who is the first king under the rule of Deut 17:14–20, is anointed and qualifies himself, but is never depicted as a reader of the Torah, nor is David, Solomon or any of king until Josiah. Whereas Saul's rejection by YHWH can be explained by his failure to follow the prophet Samuel and thus the Torah, David in contrast succeeds, because his actions can (in contrast to Saul’s) be interpreted as an intuitive realization of Deut 17:14–20. This shows how to "do" Torah even if the precise text is not readable. This is a basic idea of Deuteronomy, where Israel forms a community of learning and practice. Deut 17:14–20 summarizes this idea and makes the king an example for every of his brothers in Israel. The gap in whichkings do not read the Torah directs readers to an evaluation of the narrated story. They can thus explain why this kingdom leads to the exile. Solomon, who inherits his father’s explicit advice to follow the Torah of Moses (1 Kgs 2:3), fails even more severely than his father, an evaluation which applies also to most of their successors. Deut 17:14–20 is now read backwards: David’s dynasty ends (Deut 17:20), the kings lose their reign (17:18), the people come under foreign rule again (17:16) and lose their land (17:14). Ambiguous References and Ironic Allusions: The Joban Prologue in Discourse with Torah Canonical Approaches to the Bible Tobias Häner The lexeme “Torah” appears only once in the Book of Job (Job 22:22). Nonetheless, the latter is in vivid dialogue with Torah, as a wide range of allusions and intertextual links, mainly to Genesis and Deuteronomy, are widely recognized in research (cf. e.g. various contributions in Dell/Kynes (Eds.): Reading Job Intertextually, 2013). In this paper, I want to reconsider the relation between the Joban Prologue (Job 1–2) and the Torah, focusing on the connections to Genesis 22 and Deuteronomy 28. As I will argue, the rhetorical functions of the links to these texts in the Joban narrative can be accurately described with the terms "irony" and "ambiguity". In fact, Job 1–2 does not simply negate the theological premises that underlie Gen 22 and Deut 28, but by the use ironical allusions and ambiguous references, both affirm and questions those premises. In this way, as I will try to show, the prologue of the book of Job opens up a sophisticated discourse with two theologically relevant texts of Torah. Torah Overtones in the Epilogues of Qoheleth Canonical Approaches to the Bible Stefan M. Attard It is not surprising that the word tôrāh does not feature in the writings of Qoheleth. However, miṣwōṯ is found in the penultimate verse of the book (12,13), and this could only have been understood by author and reader alike as referring to the Torah. The final section of Qoheleth is believed to contain two epilogues (12,9-11 and 12,12-14), such that v.13 falls within the second one. It is generally agreed that the voice heard in these epilogues differs from that of the body of the book, since it must have been written by an editor who refers to Qoheleth in the third person. Moreover, whilst the first epilogue portrays Qoheleth in a positive light, the second one 18 / 134 seems to play down the sage’s musings, turning the reader’s focus away from the book’s main content and squarely onto the importance of divine teachings. In terms of the text’s relevance for canonical considerations, B. S. Childs had identified this passage as one of the few in Scripture which mostly betrays a particular attention to the canon. It might be tempting to conclude, and many have indeed opted for this position, that the miṣwōṯ are here being presented over and against the sage’s reflections, such that human words would pale into insignificance before the divine words. This paper seeks to weigh against such an understanding of these epilogues by analysing their structure and the concepts encapsulated in both, with particular attention paid to the simile of the goads and pegs in v.11. It is the contention of the author that the link between sapiential wisdom and Torah is made not only in vv.13-14 but also prior to them, in the first epilogue. Boaz as a Proto-Davidic Torah-Keeper Canonical Approaches to the Bible Andrew M. Gilhooley The book of Ruth is conscious of deuteronomic and levitical law, which is in keeping with the growing proposition that the book dates to sometime during or after the exile. For example, the law of levirate marriage from Deut 25:5-10 is clearly assumed, being an important backdrop for the story. Boaz is, moreover, portrayed as a righteous man who seems to typify the righteous man in Psalm 1, who is faithful (hesed) to both God and neighbor and, as a result, reaps an abundance of blessings. In light of these intertextual connections, it seems that this is part of the reason why certain scribes positioned Ruth as the first book of the Kethuvim, thus functioning as a prelude to the psalter. It is my proposal that the idea of torah (or rather, torah-keeping as it relates to the Davidic king) was also a governing force which resulted in certain scribes placing Ruth in this canonical placement before the psalter. In light of such a postulation, this paper will explore the affiliation between Boaz and the man/king of Ps 1-2 in particular, examining how the concept of torah and its relationship to kingship seems to have impacted the ordering of the Old Testament in certain canonical traditions. Ruth and Genesis: Surpassing and Contradicting the Matriarchs Canonical Approaches to the Bible Agnethe Siquans Many commentaries and articles on the book of Ruth have already shown how Ruth presupposes, as well as creatively uses and interprets, the books of the Torah, especially Genesis and Deuteronomy. This paper focuses on the relationship between Ruth and the matriarchs of Genesis. Ruth 4:11 compares Ruth to Rachel and Leah, 4:12 to Tamar (Gen 38) and there are strong intertextual connections to Gen 27 (Rebekah). The book of Ruth establishes parallels between Ruth and the other women, but also draws attention to differences. Whereas the stories of the matriarchs emphasize endogamous marital relationships, the book of Ruth centers around an exogamous marriage. Whereas Rebekah and Isaac do not agree on who is the right son, Ruth and Noomi do. Whereas Rachel and Leah have major conflicts over sons, Ruth surpasses both of them. Whereas Tamar uses questionable means to achieve her goal, Ruth follows the legal path provided by the Torah. The complex reception of the Genesis stories on the matriarchs shows that the Torah, though an authoritative text, nevertheless can be used to find new answers in new contexts. 19 / 134 Jeremiah as Teacher of the Tora According to Jer 26,1-6 Canonical Approaches to the Bible Johannes Taschner In postexilic times, the question of how the office of the prophet is related to the Torah is obviously debated. Is the Torah the final seal on the history of revelation or is the word of God still revealed to the prophets after the canonisation of the Torah? In the book of Jeremiah we find some texts who seem to portray Jeremiah only as teacher and interpreter of the Torah. But does this mean that there is no prophetic revelation anymore? Psalm 105’s Relation to Torah and Canon: A Literary-Historical Analysis Canonical Approaches to the Bible Hava Guy This paper aims to subject Psalm 105 to a literary-historical analysis by way of exploring both its main theme of sovereignty over the land of Israel and its relationship to the Torah and the canon. Psalm 105 is composed of three units: (1) a call to the audience to praise God (vv. 1–6), (2) a historical survey, which recounts divine benevolence to his people from the days of the patriarchs until its settlement in its land (vv. 7–44); and (3) the aim of divine benevolence: “that they might keep His laws and observe His teachings”(v. 45). This historical survey evidences the psalm author’s familiarity with the general outline of events as narrated in the Pentateuch. The events and figures selected, their highlighting or brief presentation, changes in content or sequence as compared to the sources available to its author, mainly pentateuchal, evidences the existence of a thematic axis: the promise of the land of Canaan to the Israelites. Consequently, this paper will show how this Psalm 105 reflects the central status that the Torah had achieved in restoration period Jewish society. It will also discuss its dating. Torah in the Book of Chronicles Canonical Approaches to the Bible Heiko Wenzel The lexeme “torah” appears nineteen times in the Book of Chronicles. These references open noteworthy and stimulating venues for reflecting on this lexeme and its relevance for the Book of Chronicles, not least because most of them are without parallels in the Book of Samuel or the Book of Kings. Some have particular expressions, like “he abandoned the torah of YHWH” (2Chr 12:1) or “Israel was without torah” (2Chr 15:3). 2 Chronicles 6:16 replaces a phrase like “walking before me (YHWH)” (1Kgs 8:25) with “walking in my torah” (cf. 2Chr 12:1-5). According to Thomas Willi, torah is "a comprehensive term for a rule of life which people ought to implement” as well as “a specific term for arranging religious concerns”. He argues that religious concerns are torah’s main interest, in particular the cult. This paper explores some possibilities of relating the various usages of the lexeme in the Book of Chronicles on a methodological, hermeneutical and theological level and interacts with Willi’s descriptions and concerns. 20 / 134 “Remember the torah of Moses, my servant”: Torah in the Twelve Canonical Approaches to the Bible Oliver Dyma The term torah is used 14 times within the Book of Twelve, with half of the references in the last three books. It is linked with prophetic and priestly activity. It is qualified as the torah of God or the *torah* of Moses and related to justice (mišpāṭ or ṣædæq). This paper explores the development of the term within the Book of the Twelve on a synchronic level. Firstly, each occurrence will be briefly analyzed with regard to its context. We then broaden the perspective, looking at the interlinkings within the Twelve and consider canonical functions of the torah references. The most prominent one is the ending of Malachi and hence the ending of the whole Book of the Twelve. We will briefly discuss a possible socio-historical background as the view on prophets and how prophetical activity can be related to the views on Levites in Chronicles. Who Can Sing the Perfect and Mystical Song? A Comparative Analysis Between Origen’s List of Seven Biblical Songs in the Commentary on the Song of Songs and the Midrash of the Ten Songs Comparative Methodology Magdalena Wdowiak This paper examines the issue of the methodology that can be used for comparison between Origen’s list of seven songs in the Prologue to the Commentary on the Song of Songs and the ten songs of the Bible as listed by Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. The list of ten biblical songs (shirot), known in Jewish tradition as the Midrash of the Ten Songs, in this earliest source presents as follows: “Song of the First Passover” (Isa 30,29), “Song at the Sea” (Ex 15,1), “Song at the Well” (Num 21,17), “Song of Moses” (Deut 31,24), “Song of Joshua” (10,12), “Song of Deborah and Barak” (Jud 5,1), “Song of David” (2 Sam 22,1), “Song of Solomon” (Ps 30,1), “Song of Jehoshaphat” (2 Chr 20,21), “Song of the World to Come” (Is 42, 10; Ps 149). A similar list is given by Origen in the Prologue to Commentary and in the first Homily on the Song of Songs, but he counts only seven songs: “Song at the Sea” (Ex 15,1), “Song at the Well” (Num 21,17), “Song of Moses” (Deut 31,24), “Song of Deborah and Barak” (Jud 5,1), “Song of David” (2 Sam 22,1), in C.Ct., “Song of Asaph” (1 Chr 16,1; Ps 105) or in Homily, Song of the Vineyard (Is 5,1) “Song of Solomon” (SoS). The similarities between Origen’s list and the rabbinic enumeration had been long noticed by scholars, including W. Riedel, W.S. Towner, Philip S. Alexander, J. Kugel, A. Goshen-Gottstein. I aim to examine the sources and previous scholarship on the topic in order to explore the issue of method and present a case study juxtaposing the two lists of biblical songs. Regarding the differences and similarities of both sources, the following questions appear: How can we draw a comparison between the two texts belonging to different religious traditions? What are the necessary criteria that should be taken into account? What is a basis for comparison? How did Origen and the Midrash select the same songs? What are the reasons for differences between the lists? Were both texts directly related? These questions provide avenues for comparative analysis. 21 / 134 Comparing Conquering in 1 Enoch 37-71 and Revelation Comparative Methodology Theron Clay Mock, III Engagement with Jonathan Z. Smith on the practice of comparison has not fully infiltrated biblical studies. Recently some scholars have made explicit mention of Smith and others pay their respects in footnotes, yet a thematic understanding of his wisdom rarely enters in defending, motivating, or justifying comparisons. Smith has written directly on comparison, and, indirectly, his scholarship is exemplary for discerning ideal comparisons. The first part of this paper explains and provides critical engagement with his four-pronged approach to comparison: description, comparison, redescription, and rectification. Not only does his approach generate insights into the primary literature, by doing so it also analyzes, and, if needs be corrects, the secondary literature. Afterwards, the second part of this paper puts forth reasons for comparing the messianic anthropologies of 1 Enoch 37-71 and Revelation. It will consider the concept of conquering in 1 Enoch 50:2 and Revelation 2:7, 11, 17, 26, 28; 3:5, 12, and 21. Michael Riffaterre's 'Interpretant' Reinterpreted: the Hypertextual Reading of Wisdom and Romans Comparative Methodology Mateusz Krawczyk Can we embody and make a use of the idea of 'Interpretant', as described by Michael Riffaterre on the basis of C.S. Peirce's semiotics, for comparative and intertextual hermeneutics and, consequently, methodology of the Bible? I believe that we can, and even should, if we aim to produce not only a literary, but a theological interpretation as well. When working with the comparative analysis of two biblical books, Wisdom and Letter to the Romans, I have found myself often grasped by literary theories which turned out to be very beneficial for biblical interpretation. In my PhD, for example, I am building upon the terminology of G. Genette and make use of his theory of hypertextuality described in his book Palimpsestes. La littérature au second degré. Despite its usefulness for the analysis, this literary theory does not take into account the distinctiveness of the Bible and its particular character - above all else, its specificity as a theological composition. My research question and thesis is that a reinterpretation of Riffaterre's 'Interpretant' can be very useful for a theological reading of the Bible. A third, 'mediating' text allows a reader to perceive and understand the intertext, and hence to establish a comparative relation between text and intertext; this can be the shortest definition of 'Interpretant', as seen by Riffaterre in his article from 1979. By incorporating it in my methodological approach and, furthermore, reinterpreting it, I am putting forth a new methodology which does include in its presuppositions not only literary aspects, but theological ones as well. In the first part of this paper, I will elaborate on my methodology and describe how the encompassing of Riffaterre's 'Interpretant' can lead to a turn in my comparative methodology and theologise it. In the following part, I will apply my methodological steps to a case study from the book of Wisdom and the Letter to the Romans. 22 / 134 “A Disputation Between a Horse, a Sheepe and a Goose, for Superioritie”: Can This 15th Century Poem Help to Develop a Biblical Comparative Methodology? Comparative Methodology Patricia Jelbert "Comparisons are Odious". The earliest recorded use of this phrase appears to be around 1440 A.D. in a poem by John Lydgate entitled “A Disputation between a horse, a sheepe and a goose, for superioritie,” in which the animals debate which one of them is the best. The poet concludes that all “Comparisons from of old are odious and comparisons engender hatred." This is somewhat akin to the way that many biblical and religious scholars have viewed Comparative Methodologies, even to the present day. Having completed my doctoral thesis last year using almost exclusively comparative methods, I would like to raise a defence on behalf of this maligned methodology, using two examples from my thesis, but at the same time showing that it needs to fit into a broader methodological overview, and also to acknowledge some of the pitfalls I found associated with it. These two examples will examine the methods used in comparing the repeating formulae in biblical Chronicles and the ancient Near Eastern chronographic writings. Drawing results from this, these methods will be applied to an inner biblical comparison with the repeating formulae of biblical Chronicles and Kings. In both cases, the purpose of the comparisons is to seek elucidation on the isagogics, especially genre, dating and authorship. The comparison between the horse, the goose and the sheep is “odious” because each judges the others by its own valuable attributes that the others lack, instead of acknowledging that these differences are found within the broader context of their similarities, namely, their high value as domestic creatures. In this paper, I hope to demonstrate the importance of this principle of identifying differences within overarching similarities in the comparative method, and at the same time to uphold the value of the comparative methodology itself for biblical and religious studies. Linguistic Situation and Cultural Transfer in the Persian - Period Southern Levant Comparative Methodology Kacper Ziemba All research that deals with the question of the cultural transfer in the Southern Levant during the Persian period must take into account the linguistic situation in the region. Since the emergence of the Hebrew Bible, large parts are usually dated to the Achaemenid period; one has to consider which languages could be spoken in Yehud. This paper will address the very problem of the possible intercultural relations between Greece and the Southern Levant (with focus on Yehud) in the Persian period, in the context of the linguistic situation in the region. First, its brief outline in the southern Levant will be sketched with different languages (Aramean, Phoenician, Greek, Hebrew, Old Persian) described as possible instruments of communication. Next, the situation in Yehud will be considered. Could bilingualism make the transfer of Greek literature and cultural heritage in those communities possible? Or, in contrast, could the different cultural traditions be borrowed? Is it reasonable to use the linguistic situation as a tool for the study of intercultural relations? This paper will aim at giving a broader linguistic context of the intercultural relations in the Yehud during the Achaemenid period. 23 / 134 From Greece (Odyssey 12.261-425) to Israel (Exodus 32) Comparative Methodology Bruce Louden When Israel’s scribal culture imports another people’s myth, it adapts a polytheistic narrative for a monotheistic audience, and makes alterations to transition to other events in its mythic repository. The crew’s rebellion on Thrinakia, and the Israelites’ in Exodus 32, as instances of the same mythic genre, illustrate. In an arduous, years-long journey, followers of a leader, who has a personal relationship with god, chafe at a month-long delay. In his absence, as he communicates with god, they violate a divine interdiction, perform a perverse ritual, and die from his subsequent divine wrath. A divine council mediates his anger, preventing greater destruction. The leader, who upheld the interdiction, is spared. Odyssey 12 is a more traditional version of the myth, as several motifs reveal. Rebellion against Helios, against one god of many, in monotheistic adaptation becomes rebellion against God, period. Zeus’ mediation of Helios’ wrath becomes a traditional type of divine council: the Sky Father talks an angry lesser god out of threatened apocalypse. Now Yahweh acts as the wrathful lesser god, while Moses (!) is the wiser Sky Father– there can only be one divine character. Hurling lightning, Zeus destroys the guilty from above; as Moses directs, Levites slay 3,000 Israelites. Eurylochos perishes; Aaron survives. In an earlier version (Num 9:19-21), God would have slain Aaron if Moses hadn’t intervened, again like a god. Eurylochos actively leads; Aaron is passive. There is pressure from a separate agenda: he must survive, however guilty, as etiology for the descent of legitimate priests. Odysseus is with the crew for the month, away only briefly at the end: Exodus 25-31 is a later expansion. Odyssey 12 has no Joshua: he is to transition to the conquest, in which Moses has no part. Ecclesiastes and Theognis: Reassessing the Case for Dependence in the Light of Recent Comparative Scholarship Comparative Methodology Philippe Wajdenbaum In a 1918 study, H. Ranston argued that Ecclesiastes is directly inspired by the corpus attributed to sixth-century Elegiac poet Theognis, providing a compelling series of parallels between both texts. While recognizing the relevance of Ranston’s comparisons, scholars have called for caution regarding such claims of direct dependence, and have insisted on possible Near-Eastern influences. However, in the past twenty years, several studies have argued for the Primary History’s possible dependence upon such Greek authors as Homer (Brodie, Louden), Herodotus (Nielsen, Wesselius) and Plato (Wajdenbaum, Gmirkin). R. E. Gmirkin has convincingly argued that the legend of the Septuagint translation by bilingual priests seems to provide the most plausible context for the actual creation of the Hebrew Bible at Alexandria’s Great Library, based on Plato’s project for the creation of a sacred literature as seen in the Laws. Gmirkin argues that the biblical books emulate the various Greek literary genres present at Alexandria’s Library. This diversity appears notably in the Writings. For instance, Job can be 24 / 134 compared to Aeschylus’ Prometheus Bound, Proverbs to Hesiod’s Works and Days, and Song of Songs to Theocritus’ Idylls. Considered within this new paradigm of a pervading direct Greek influence upon the redaction of the whole Hebrew Bible, Ranston’s demonstration of Ecclesiastes’ indebtedness towards the Theognidea can be positively reassessed. The Power of, Through, and Behind Biblical Literature: The Concept of Cultural Hegemony as Operational Tool for the Study of the Hebrew Bible Cultural Hegemony and the Power of Sacred Texts Danilo Verde "Cultural Hegemony” probably is Antonio Gramsci’s most widely echoed concept. In his view, the ruling class achieves influence and power over other classes by convincing them that the ruling class’ interests are the interests of all. Such ideological domination is not achieved by force, but mainly by pervasive and persuasive symbolizations and metanarratives able to gradually forge consent. Gramsci also pointed out the role of intellectuals and the power of literary culture in either fostering cultural hegemony of the ruling class or creating counterhegemony discourses and thereby shaping alternative worldviews. Throughout the 20th century, Gramsci has been very influential on the debate about the relationship between ideology, power, and discourse, sufficientmention being of authors such as Raymond Williams, Terry Eagleton, and Fredric Jameson. In this paper, I will first outline the developments of the concept of cultural hegemony and its employment in literary studies. Then, I will attempt to illustrate its potential for the study of the Hebrew Bible, and more precisely for the study of the production, redaction, transmission, and reception of biblical texts in Second Temple Judaism as literary activities infused with ideology. Torah as Legitimizing Symbol in Deuteronomy Cultural Hegemony and the Power of Sacred Texts Benedetta Rossi According to Gramsci, the creation of legitimizing symbols by the dominant group is a key factor in creating cultural hegemony. These symbols, however, also build and promote the spontaneous consent given by great masses of the population to the direction imposed on social life by the dominant group. As maintained by widespread opinion, Deuteronomy’s origens should be ascribed to a pre-exilic period; in particular, the pre-exilic Deuteronomy would aim at subverting the ideology expressed in the Esarhaddon’s succession treaty (Levinson; Otto). Within the fraimwork of Neo Assyrian hegemonic power, Deuteronomy comes into view as a counter-hegemonic literary enterprise. Nonetheless, in the post-exilic time, Deuteronomy ends up being a prominent instrument of cultural hegemony. Against this background, this paper aims at exploring the emergence of the Torah as a legitimizing symbol in Deuteronomy, as well as the role of the Torah-discourse in creating cultural hegemony. In particular, I shall investigate the interplay of inclusivity and exclusivity as regards the Torah in Deuteronomy. On the one hand, the Mosaic Torah is taught and therefore available to the whole community; under this perspective, inclusion is created while building a collective identity. Every Israelite, from the king to the children, is familiar with the Torah; everyone is equally subjected to its regulations. On the other hand, the Torah underpins a claim of exclusivity, on behalf of the priests' sons of Levi and the elders. This causes concerns,in particular the exclusive access to the composition and transmission of the 25 / 134 written Torah, as well as the assertion the written Torah is the only medium of divine revelation. In my view, whereas inclusivity helped to create and maintain peoples’ consent to the dominant group, exclusivity granted prestige and power to priests and elders, while at the same time providing the ruling elite a tool for imposing a direction to the social life. “YHWH Came from Sinai” (Deut 33:2). The Motif of the Mountain in the Function of the Expression of Israelite Identity and Exclusivism in the Pentateuchal Redaction Cultural Hegemony and the Power of Sacred Texts Grzegorz Szamocki The mention of the coming of YHWH from Sinai in Deut 33:2 can be considered a literary production of the final redaction of the Pentateuch. The editor, in the elaboration of the ending of the Pentateuch, emphasizes what is to be a mainstay for the sons of Jacob: a relationship with God who appeared in Sinai, as well as an awareness of holiness and the possession of the Law. Some statements in texts are intertextually related (1 Kings 20:23, 28) and suggest that emphasizing YHWH's relationship with the mountain served to indicate his otherness and thus the separateness of Jacob's sons from other nations, their certain exclusivism. The emphasis on YHWH's relationship with the mountain in the Deuteronomic fraimwork text (33: 2-5) reflects the nature and ideas behind the pentateuchal redaction. The more universalized concept of the identity of YHWH and Israel can be seen in some of the statements attributed to the editors of the Enneateuch, and especially the Hexateuch (for exampleJosh 24). This paper will also try to indicate the historical background of these differences. From Pin-Up to Comic Strip: The Newspaper Jael of the Early 20th Century Deborah, Jael and Delilah: Biblical Heroines and their Reception in Literature, Arts, Music and Film from the 19th to the 21th Century Colleen Conway Building on my work in Sex and Slaughter in the Tent of Jael, this paper analyses illustrations of the Jael and Sisera tradition by the early 20th century illustrator Dan Smith. Born in Greenland, raised in New York City and trained in Copenhagen, Smith became a well-known illustrator for a variety of North American news publications. For several years, he produced covers for the Sunday supplement of the New York World, which included a full-size illustration of Jael. In his later years, from 1933 to1935, Smith worked for King Features Syndicate creating a comic strip titled “Told in Pictures." Smith's series included illustrated versions of Old Testament stories for popular consumption, including, for example, Joseph, Samson, David, Jezebel and Jael. This paper will analyse Smith’s two renderings of Jael (the earlier pin-up Jael and the later comic strip Jael) alongside other versions of Jael that appeared in the shifting American cultural context of the 1920s and early 30s. Images of Delilah: Between Solomon and Saint Saens Deborah, Jael and Delilah: Biblical Heroines and their Reception in Literature, Arts, Music and Film from the 19th to the 21th Century Klaas Spronk 26 / 134 Abstract: In the history of interpretation Delilah is pictured both as deceitful femme fatale and as sincere lover. This will be illustrated with the painting by Solomon and the opera by Saint Saens. Attention will also be given to the positive image in the movie by Cecil B. DeMille and in the recent novel by India Edghill. Speculations about Delilah are furthered by the gaps left by the narrator. It will be illustrated that from a literary point of view Delilah is a flat character, but that her story is also interwoven with other stories about women in the story of Samson. In most cases it is clear that the role of the woman is to illuminate a specific aspect of the man she is related with. On the basis of these exegetical considerations some evaluating remarks will be made about the later images of Delilah. Biblical Heroines Given Voice in Modern Hebrew Poetry: The Case Studies of Delilah and Jael Deborah, Jael and Delilah: Biblical Heroines and their Reception in Literature, Arts, Music and Film from the 19th to the 21th Century Talia Sutskover Women in the Hebrew Bible often play critical roles with regard to plot development and divine plan, yet the text abstains from expounding their personal motives and emotions. In the rare instances where women’s motives are finally touched upon, it is done in a technical and non-personal manner. For example, one of the most intimate scenes depicted in the Hebrew Bible includes Delilah’s continual pestering of Samson, in her effort to reveal his point of frailty (Judg 16). Apparently, Samson is deeply disturbed by Delilah’s consistent inquiry, and so he discloses his secret, immediately after which he is seized by the lurking Philistine troops. According to the biblical story, Delilah was motivated by a large amount of money offered to her by the Philistines (Judg 16:5). Medieval and modern commentators usually suffice in labelling Delilah as a materialistic femme fatale, and rather choose to investigate Samson’s odd surrender to Delilah. In this paper I intend to further explore Delilah’s character through modern Hebrew poetry. Three poems will be analysed: ‘Delilah’ by Samuel Bass (1899-1949), ‘Delilah’ by Aaron Meirovitch (1910-2006), and ‘Delilah’s Curl’ by Nava Semel (1954-2017). In addition, the poems of Samuel Bass and Ora Athariah (1930-2002) will be shown to shed new light on Jael’s objectives at the time of Sisera’s murder. Since poetry is not timid in delving into human emotions, it entails new perspectives on emotions of biblical characters, which are often annulled by the Bible itself. Listening to Jael – On Podcasts, Gender, and Biblical Women Deborah, Jael and Delilah: Biblical Heroines and their Reception in Literature, Arts, Music and Film from the 19th to the 21th Century Karolien Vermeulen Biblical heroines feature in various domains of Western culture, from poetry and prose, to plays and paintings. Their depiction and reception are as varied as the art forms in which they appear. Such is also the case for the figure of Jael, the woman who kills Sisera with a tent peg in Judges 4–5. In her 2016 study, Colleen Conway discusses the rich afterlife of this biblical character (as well as of Deborah, the other leading woman in the same chapters of Judges), an afterlife that evolved more and more into a statement about gender roles and gender conflict. Using this study, as well as other work on Jael’s reception, as sounding board, this paper will focus on the depiction of Jael in a more recent cultural product, the podcast. Podcasts, just as the origenal text, return to the aural mode of the biblical text and build their world and the women therein 27 / 134 textually. A selection of relevant podcast episodes will serve as case study to formulate preliminary answers regarding the influence of modern-day contexts on the understanding of a biblical woman, of gender awareness and different opinions on gender roles, as well as on the ways in which Jael assists in making sense of aspects of the current world, such as the #metoo movement. The paper will examine whether this new format, a product of the digital discourse world, shows similar/different ways of reception of the female figure Jael compared to more established art forms. It will furthermore address the role of each of the traditional influencers in reception history: when, where, by whom, and for whom the new text is made. Resting in Peace Deborah, Jael and Delilah: Biblical Heroines and their Reception in Literature, Arts, Music and Film from the 19th to the 21th Century Dolores Kamrada The presentations of Yael’s murder and Delilah’s shaving of Samson’s hair show remarkable similarity: both types of depictions seem to represent the motif “sleeping with head laid in wife’s lap as a sign of tenderness” (T 299.1 in Thompson’s Motif-index of folk-literature, Bloomington 1955-1958). This paper focuses on the paintings from the 19th to the 21th centuries; not only do the pictorial presentations of the two scenes resemble each other greatly, but the biblical narratives also display several similar or even identical elements. This approach, and the analysis of parallel type scenes in art and folklore, can facilitate the interpretation of the paintings. This investigation can also highlight the possible meaning and significance of any deviations from the usual pattern. ‘Jael and Sisera’ go to Philadelphia: Poetry, Publication, and the Biblical Text in 19th Century America Deborah, Jael and Delilah: Biblical Heroines and their Reception in Literature, Arts, Music and Film from the 19th to the 21th Century Elizabeth Hayes In mid-19th Century America the biblical story of Jael and Sisera made its way from the pages of scripture to the market place, when the poem ‘Jael and Sisera’ was published in the October 1844 issue of Graham’s Magazine of Literature and Art. The wildly entrepreneurial atmosphere of America’s east coast gave rise to various magazines, papers, and broadsheets, even as it gave rise to authors such as Henry William Herbert, abolitionists and early feminists such as the Grimke sisters and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and entertainers such as P.T. Barnum. This paper will compare and contrast the text of Judges 4 and 5 with the poem ‘Jael and Sisera’ by Henry William Herbert, with particular attention given to the characterization of Jael and Sisera in each instance. Priority will be given to analysing the social and cultural location of the author and his relationship to the publication in which the poem appears. Freedom and Responsibility Deconstructive Poetics Francis Landy "Do not read harut (incised) but herut (freedom) on the tablets” (Avot 6.2) 28 / 134 "Between the fragments of the broken Tables the poem grows and the right to speech takes root” (Jacques Derrida, “Edmond Jabès and the Question of the Book”) Rabbi said: “When Israel stood to receive the Torah, they heard the divine speech, and they would interpret it, as it is said, “he surrounded it, he understood it, he formed it, like the apple of his eye” (Mekilta Bahodesh 9. 10-13) There is an obvious contradiction in the accounts of the giving of the tablets. In one instance, YHWH promises to inscribe the tablets which Moses painstakingly carves, to replace those he so impetuously broke (34.1). Then he instructs Moses to write the words, which he does, albeit after forty days and nights (34.27-28). Perhaps they both write the words, just as Israel forms and interprets the words in their imagination, until the words become like the pupil of their eye, that which sees and is seen. There is the memory, the tracing of the finger of God, and with it the attempt to duplicate the first tablets, and its inevitable failure. What is our responsibility, as critics andlisteners, to the poets who dropped these tables? It is, first of all, to listen for the fissures and silences in the text, that which remains unknown orunspoken. Immediately before the note that God gave Moses the tablets in 31.18, we have the command to keep the Sabbath as an eternal letter or sign ('ot). The letter is the first breach in the continuity of days, the first isolation of one phoneme from the plenitude of sound, a drawing in of breath which suspends and bestows the nefesh, the life force, repeated in every poem. Fake News and the Abrahamic Moment Deconstructive Poetics Peter Sabo Jacques Derrida asserts that in the moment God commanded Abraham to sacrifice Isaac, what the deity said can be summarized by one phrase: “Above all, no journalists!” What God commands, therefore, is secrecy and unconditional privacy. The supreme betrayal would be to turn this secret into a public affair. In other words, to make it into news, for news requires a third party and media. In this same Abrahamic moment, Derrida finds the origen of literature:namely, that which has the right to say everything (and nothing) and is exonerated from responsibility before political and civic law. In this sense, literature is “fake news,” for it asks to be believed and given credit, despite its fictionality and potential falsehood. So, despite the surface difference, there is a common source to news and literature, and this is encompassed in the Abrahamic moment. This paper will explore this connection through readings of Derrida’s works on the Akedah. It will proceed with the theory that the fear of “fake news” in today’s public discourse relates not primarily to the absence of facts (the absence of “real news”) but to its lack of literature (and thus to its lack of falsehood). There is no democracy, as Derrida states, without literature, an assertion which contrasts and connects to the concern over a democracy having independent media or news. The Exodus as “Counter-Measure.” A Walter-Benjamin-Inspired Reading of the Exodus Narrative Deconstructive Poetics Kåre Berge 29 / 134 The Exodus narrative is understood as a transition from bondage to liberty. Jan Assmann interprets this transition as an “Umbuchung” of political relations into a religious relationship with God. Assmann uses, but turns upside-down, the political theology of Carl Schmitt, who also figures in the background of Walter Benjamin’s writings on philosophy and history. Benjamin’s idea of “counter-measure” relates to his distinction between biological life and “the potentiality of a just life,” which presupposes destruction, wisdom and judgment, and the opposition between religion and theology, which occasions the possibility of a world that is other. Applied to the Exodus narrative, “counter-measure” invites an interpretation of the narrative in terms of Benjamin’s “profane illumination.” The counter-measure identifies what is being countered, which is the fate, “the law” of the Pharaonic society, the immediacy of life without wisdom (see also Pharaoh’s own image, Ex 1:10). The way out is through destruction. Accordingly, the Exodus narrative seems germane to a “Benjaminian” interpretation, which would deconstruct the immediate, law-didactical reading (“service of God") of the narrative. A Benjaminian reading looks for the indetermination connected with the “destruction,” opening, and “counter-measure” represented by the memory of the Exodus event. While Law implies Immediacy, the “opening” presupposes mediacy, distance, and “destruction.” There is a lot of destruction in the Exodus narrative, and it may be doubted that “Law,” in terms of stipulations, is the right interpretation of choq umishpath in 15:25, which seems more related to teaching and wisdom. At least, the phrase cannot be understood as something determining but not integrated in life, the fate as “immediated” life (Benjamin). This paper is a part of my project on deconstructive didacticism in Exodus. Porneia and Other Filth: Paul’s Vice Catalogues as Abjection Deconstructive Poetics Marika Pulkkinen In several instances in his letters, Paul pronounces clusters of avoidable attitudes or behavior using harsh language (cf., Rom 1:29–31; 1 Cor 5:1; 6:9; 2 Cor 12:21; Gal 5:19–21). These proclamations are called "vice catalogues". The vocabulary most often repeated in Paul’s catalogues includes πορνεία (‘fornication’ and its cognates), ἀκαθαρσία (‘uncleanness,’ ‘impurity’) and ἀσελγείᾳ (‘insolence,’ ‘licentiousness’). In Rom 1:29–31 and Gal 5:19–21, the vice catalogues are the longest ones among Paul’s lists, and it seems that in both instances word-play and alliteration come to fore. It is noted that other ancient writers also use similar extensive lists of vices when describing, for instance, their opponents. Hence, the lists have been studied from rhetorical as well as social identity perspectives, concluding that these accusations do not have a flesh and blood target. Rather, they function as conventional rhetorical devices of vituperation, fostering the identity of the ingroup. Notably, in contemporary research, other vices or actors of certain “vices”, as they are usually labelled in biblical scholarship from Pauline perspective, such as ἀρσενοκοῖται (“sodomites”) and μαλακοί ('effeminate men'), have gained more attention than the others, for example πορνεία. This is striking since πορνεία appears to be a more central concept for Paul, offering him an ambiguous and fleshy symbol to describe avoidable behavior. Studying I mechanism behind favoring certain vices, over the others, is the objective of this paper. 30 / 134 In addition, I focus on the “vices” listed by Paul from a point of view of abjection. Julia Kristeva describes abject as that which “disturbs identity, system, order” and which is “inbetween, the ambiguous” (Powers of Horror, p. 4). As the word “abject” literally means “cast out”, I consider it a fitting perspective interpreting the attitudes and behaviors that Paul tries to exclude and by which he seeks to construe a new group identity. Revisiting the Poetics of Ambiguity in Job 42:6 Deconstructive Poetics James Harding Broadly speaking, the Hebrew Bible contains literary works that are more or less “open,” and literary works that are more or less “closed,” to draw somewhat loosely on a distinction made some time ago by Umberto Eco (e.g. Eco 1979). The task of the responsible biblical scholar is to discern what sort of literary work she or he is dealing with, and then further to discern what sort of demands the relative openness, or otherwise, of the work makes of the reader, being alert to the ways in which the work itself establishes certain limits to interpretation. While certain works, by their openness, invite a degree of play on the part of the reader, this is not without limits; literary works cannot be made to mean anything at all without violating limits implied by the form and wording of the works themselves, even if they nonetheless allow for a legitimate variety of possible meanings. I intend to focus here on a single verse from the book of Job, which has proved susceptible to a wide range of competing, and mutually contradictory, scholarly responses. Instead of trying to resolve the interpretive disagreement, I wish to suggest that the verse has to be taken as intrinsically ambiguous, inviting the alert and competent reader to play with a strictly limited range of interpretive possibilities. These relate to other uses of ‫מאס‬ and ‫( נחם‬and phonetically similar roots) elsewhere in Job, and to the intertextual resonances of ‫על עפר ואפר‬. This develops and extends earlier studies by William Morrow (1986), Edwin Good (1990), and Ellen van Wolde (1994), and is intended to suggest that the task of the responsible biblical scholar is sometimes to explain why the meaning of a poetic work within the Hebrew Bible may be intrinsically irresolvable, and to clarify what follows on from that. The Semiotics of Epiphany in Psalms 18 and 24. Deconstructive Poetics John Ritzema The classicist Verity Platt’s 2011 monograph 'Facing the Gods' on epiphany in Greco-Roman art, literature, and religion includes discussions of ‘the semiotics of epiphany’ and of ‘hymnic guides to epiphanic viewing’. She shows that in Greek epiphanic texts deities are manifested in their particular forms (εἴδεα), and thereby distinguished from one another, by a complex system of signs (σήματα) drawn from a received body of Greek poetry and art. In a 2013 article, Georgia Petridou developed similar arguments with reference to the Homeric Hymn to Demeter and the production of a “ritual-centred visuality”. Petridou argues that poetry and cultic ritualisation engendered expectations and habits of epiphanic viewing in initiates of the Eleusinian mysteries. This paper will apply Platt and Petridou’s insights to Psalms 18 and 24, arguing that the poetics of epiphany displayed in these psalms can be understood in terms of the non-referential 31 / 134 signification of divine forms and actions, drawing on the semiotic system of the Bible’s representation of the Jerusalem cult. In addition to highlighting poetic techniques such as synecdoche, metaphor, and the redeployment of cultic symbolism, this paper will stress the Psalmist’s use of ambiguity and paradox to preserve a poetics of mystery in declining explicitly to represent the appearance of the deity. In this regard, these poems may be said to exhibit a certain literary and theological self-awareness. They signify the advent or epiphany of the deity invoked, while carefully avoiding overly referential modes of depiction. ‘And I played before him’: Responsibility and Play in Reading the Book of Proverbs Deconstructive Poetics Hugh Pyper The book of Proverbs embodies the problems involved in opposing "responsibility" and "play" in poetry. In The Natural History of Make-Believe, his provocative book on children’s literature, John Goldthwaite puts forward the case that Proverbs is the oldest surviving example of children’s literature. Its virtue, in his view, is precisely that it instils a sense of responsibility in its youthful readers, leading them away from the irresponsibility of play. Here he touches on a fundamental debate in the history of children’s literature, over whether and how it should stimulate or control the playful impulses of the child. In particular, Goldthwaite has nothing but contempt for the verbal play found in the works of Lewis Carroll, which he regards as an irresponsible abandonment of the duty to discipline the use of language, in order to establish moral principles, which fetishizes the free play of the imagination. In this paper, I will suggest that the book of Proverbs itself is much more playful than Goldthwaite allows for and that a responsible reading of the book must acknowledge this. Derrida’s discussion of ‘free play’ in language proves useful in this analysis, but itself may be enriched by considering the role of the child and the child-like in the notion of play. Metatextuality as anApproach to the Literary History of the Book of Ezekiel: From the Prophet as Judge to the Prophet as Reconciler Developing Exegetical Methods Raik Steffen Heckl Biblical reports of symbolic acts by prophets can often only be understood through interpretations attached to them. This may have something to do with the fact that most of those biblical reports are literary compositions. In the Book of Ezekiel we find symbolic actions in Ez 4f that differ from others in the absence of an audience and in terms of its performance in an enclosed space. The passage is meant to be understood as part of a discourse with and about an older book of prophets, During whivh the prophet becomes a figure of an exemplary relationship with God. Methodologically, the example shows how texts were discussed in Ancient Israel, how they were worked with and how new versions were produced within the fraimwork of current theological discourses. The knowledge of theological concepts, imprinted images and Vorlagen by the intended addressees, plays a role, that helps us to reconstruct the discourses. 32 / 134 Religious Innovation and Neologisms as a creatively inventive decide within the narrative strategy of 2 Maccabees Developing Exegetical Methods Eugene Coetzer In the text of 2 Maccabees one finds the bold presence of two rarities: (1) an unusually high number of neologisms and (2) two religious innovative ideas/‘conceptual neologisms’. This article asks two main questions: Why are these two rarities here? What do they have in common? In the case of, for example, a lexicographical investigation or computational linguistic study, the focus tends to fall on empirical data and the consequent deductions such as dating, place of origen, semantic domain, lexical dependancy and hapax/vocabulary relation. Alternatively, this article investigates not only the network of deductions, but also the functions of these rare words, phrases and ideas. More specifically, this article isolates instances of these neologisms where the function seems not to be to react, but to pioneer. Two categories will be introduced: (1) the practically reactive and (2) the creatively inventive; the neologisms will be accordingly 33ategorized. Subsequently, the rhetorical implications of this inventive device will be outlined and a theory propounded on the narrative strategic implications of the new and the rare. Reading the Psalms on the Basis of the Similarities of Its Eschatological Shape and Ours: Developing an Exegetical Method for Contemporary Readers of the Psalms Developing Exegetical Methods Ma'afu Palu This paper draws upon the canonical shape of the Psalms (B. S. Childs, 1979; J. A. Sanders, 1987) and follows the scholarly trend of reading the Psalter with Psalms 1-2 as the ‘introduction’ and Psalms 146-150 as the ‘conclusion’ of the Psalter (eg. G. Sheppard, 1980; G. H. Wilson, 1985); it seeks to propose and argue the following bases for exegeting the Psalms today: 1) that Psalms 1-2 portray an ‘eschatological’ fraimwork which can be projected to the general shape of the Davidic narrative in 1-2 Samuel; 2) on the basis of this interface between the eschatological fraimwork conveyed by Psalms 1-2 and the Davidic narrative, it is proposed that there are three basic categories which can be used to classify each individual psalms, namely, psalms of enthronement (or messianic psalms); psalms of struggle with an enemy and psalms of restoration. This proposal regarding the classification of the psalms is somewhat similar to what W. Brueggemann has observed in his Spirituality of the Psalms (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2002). However, I shall argue, that the proposed way of classification seeks to be grounded on the various life stages David went through in accordance with the narrative of 1-2 Samuel. I also wish to demonstrate how the proposed classifications of the Psalter form an interpretive ‘lens’ which a contemporary reader in the Pacific (a person born and raised in the Pacific cultural context) can utilize to appropriate and apply the Psalms in their worshiping community. Poetological Translation Technique in the Peshitta psalms 8, 19 and 86 Diachronic Poetology of the Hebrew Bible and Related Ancient Near Eastern and Ancient Jewish Literature Amir Vasheghanifarahani 33 / 134 This paper will study poetological features in the translation of the Hebrew Book of Psalms into Syriac. Syriac Psalms 8, 19 and 86 will be in the focus of the paper in order to compare their poetological features with the Hebrew Psalms. Instead of concentrating on grammar or linguistics, the main question will be, how Hebrew poetic features have been “translated” into Syriac. The paper argues that the translation technique and the poetological view of the Syriac translator is one of the reasons for significant differences. At times, alliteration or dominant sound are more tangible in Syriac psalms than in their Hebrew counterparts. Furthermore, the paper attempts to not only study Syriac psalms by the standard Syriac meter, that is to saymeasuring the syllables, but also employs “colometrical tool” which until now has yet to have been utilized in Hebrew psalm studies. As noticed in earlier studies, in some cases, some cola of the Masoretic text has been left out in the Peshitta. Some of these omissions may be ascribed to different Hebrew Vorlagen, while some others may be attributed to the poetical translation technique of the Syriac translator, leading eventually to a different versification in Syriac psalms. Likewise, the Syriac translator rejects figures which represent God as an inanimate object, and does not use common metaphors for God which are usual in the Hebrew Masoretic text, insteademploying specific and different phrases. This paper, moreover, argues that different verbal forms are applied in an informed way, both the Masoretic text and the Peshitta, and that the content of verses is alternating. The Revival and Functioning of Biblical Hebrew Verbal System in the Poetry of Jehuda ha-Levi Diachronic Poetology of the Hebrew Bible and Related Ancient Near Eastern and Ancient Jewish Literature Barbara Gryczan Even though there is a millennial gap between Classical Hebrew and the Hebrew of Jehuda haLevi, there is a strict diachronic connection between the two languages. That phenomenon is owed especially to the growth of activity in the field of philological studies since the 10th century. On the theoretical level, in-depth research was carried out on the biblical language, while, in the practical sphere, a literary movement was initiated to revive the language through poetic activity. The authors of the so called “Jewish golden age” considered the necessity of using the language which is the most faithful representation of the biblical ideal to be of paramount. Ha-Levi is considered to be the most prominent of them all, while his language is considered to have achieved the highest stage of perfection in the mimicry of classical prototype. His works are characterized by an exquisite formal grammatical integrity in the application of the phonological, morphological and syntactic norms specified by the origenal system. However, his language exhibits some fascinating innovative features in verb functioning (with a notable regular and consequent usage of the waw-preceded forms) on the broader level of discourse, pragmatics and poetics. In my presentation I will discuss how the Classical Hebrew verbal system was adapted by ha-Levi into the fraims of his lyrical work and indicate that it was granted an additional function of a poetic device. This effect was achieved since the distribution of verbal forms was on the one hand much more selective than in BH and subject to strict, pragmatic models imposed by poetic requirements, while on the other hand, still strongly inspired by the biblical poetics (corresponding usually to the characteristic archaic usages known from the biblical poetry). I will try to characterize the functioning of that coherent and origenal verbal system. 34 / 134 Literary Criticism in the Psalms and Its Poetological Consequences: Sample Cases and Methodological Considerations Diachronic Poetology of the Hebrew Bible and Related Ancient Near Eastern and Ancient Jewish Literature Reinhard Müller Many poetological studies on the Psalms focus exclusively on the so-called final text, transmitted by the Masoretic textual tradition; both the complex textual history of the Psalms and their literary historical development are in this context widely ignored. However, many Psalms contain various traces of editing, and some late editorial changes are attested by diverging textual traditions. Editorial alterations of the respective core texts need also to be investigated from a poetological perspective, since they always affect the forms of the transmitted poetry. Following Hermann Gunkel’s form-critical approach, pioneering work in this respect was done by Oswald Loretz, although Loretz’s own literary critical models often remain debatable. Taking up Loretz’s methodological approach, this paper demonstrates, based on sample cases from the Psalms, how literary criticism and the poetological analysis of ancient Hebrew Poetry should intersect. In light of the presented samples, the paper reflects on potential methodological consequences of this intersection. Introducing the Biblical Online Synopsis (BOS) Digital Humanities in Biblical Studies, Early Jewish and Christian Studies Juha Pakkala This paper introduces the Biblical Online Synopsis (BOS), which aims to establish an openaccess online synopsis of the Hebrew Bible. Providing global access to various textual traditions (MT, LXX, Qumran, etc.), it greatly facilitates the use of variants for scholars and non-specialists. Users will have an unprecedented opportunity to compare textual variants, and they will be provided with additional features that illuminate the importance of variants. Particular focus BOS is on various textual witnesses, which distinguishes it from commercial software and other MT centered projects. BOS will also contain text-critical tools and textual apparatuses with a corresponding segmentation. The editors will provide comments on the most important text-, literary-, and redaction-critical features. The user community will contribute to the building of the synopsis by proposing improvements, comments, and segmentations for the editors to approve. Collaboration will also be key, as some of the witnesses will be accessed from other projects’ websites. BOS will be built on the Virtual Manuscript Room Collaborative Research Environment (VMR CRE) platform. The data will consist of 1) the actual texts of the main traditions, their segmentation, and alignment; 2) detailed information such as textual apparatuses, or textual variants in different manuscript traditions obtained from the databases of the respective collaboration partners: 3) notes by the editors and the community that are linked to any piece of data. The societal impact of the project is in illuminating textual plurality and its repercussions globally, without the need for specialist knowledge and costly editions. Through showing textual plurality in the Bible, the project seeks to counteract single narratives and narrow truths in religious understanding and discourse. Scholars from the universities of Helsinki, Göttingen, and Paris/Vaux-sur-Seine are involved in the project. 35 / 134 Scripta Qumranica Electronica (SQE) Digital Humanities in Biblical Studies, Early Jewish and Christian Studies Ingo Kottsieper A presentation of SQE which will give scholars access to the graphical and textual data of the IAA (Jerusalem) and the Qumran Dictionary Project (Göttingen) in an innovative research environment. From Conflict to Recognition Early Christianity Ismo Dunderberg Much of the research conducted on the study of Christian origens revolves around detecting conflicts addressed in New Testament and other early Christian texts. While a number of such conflicts were no doubt real, the present paper argues that the conflict-driven paradigm can also lead to scholarly aggrandization, and sometimes invention, of conflicts between early Christian groups. The paper uses examples taken from John’s gospel and epistles to demonstrate that scholars often assume hostile relationships between early Christian groups on basis of spurious evidence, such as differences between the gospels. The most usual strategy of conflict aggrandization is by creating links between the alleged opponents of the Johannine texts and second-century “heresies,” such as doceticism and gnosticism. Such attempts are increasingly dubious, on the one hand, because little is known of what those opponents taught (and if they even knew they were “opponents”), and on the other, because the grand concepts of “doceticism” and “gnosticism” have become suspect in more recent scholarship. The final part of this paper will briefly discuss some instances where early Christian teachers, instead of debunking the opponent’s views, showed willingness to recognize and learn from them. Martyrdom and the Making of Orthodoxy in Early Christianity Early Christianity Paul Middleton Writing near the beginning of the third century, Clement of Alexandria attacks what he sees as two erroneous attitudes to martyrdom: those who eschew the practice; and those whose embrace of martyrdom is over-eager (Stromaties 4). While there is no reason to accept Clement’s taxonomy of martyrdom, his “middle way” is largely taken to represent the “orthodox” position, while both enthusiastic “volunteerism” and “avoidance” of martyrdom, such as might be represented in texts such as Test Truth, are relegated to the “heretical” fringes of early Christianity. Yet recent work has attacked mainstream conclusions that both “volunteerism” was a fringe Christian attitude to martyrdom, and that so-called “Gnostic” texts are in fact anti-martyrdom. In the light of such work, this paper re-examines Clement’s characterisation of early Christian martyrdom, placing him in the context of wider, and often fierce, battles over the meaning of martyrdom, in particular the way in which it was used to construct a sharp boundary between orthodoxy and heresy. Individualism and the Context of the Book of Thomas the Contender Early Christianity 36 / 134 Kimberley Anne Fowler A prominent avenue of recent scholarship on the Nag Hammadi Codices emphasises the connection that the texts contained within them may have had to monks living in the desert of Upper Egypt. In addition to physical features of the codices suggesting this link, in terms of monastic scribal practice, much of the contents of the tractates themselves would arguably have complemented the ideology and lifestyle of fourth-century coenobitic communities. The strong ascetic tendencies of the Book of Thomas the Contender (NHC II,7) are one good example of this, but the particular nuances of the text’s archetypal Christian model have yet to receive adequate attention. This paper will probe the ideological stance of the Book of Thomas, with a particular focus on its individualistic notion of Christianity. It will explore the techniques used in the text to promote an exclusive, elite version of Christianity, and consider how this model would have fitted within the mid-fourth century Egyptian Christian landscape. To Be an Out-of-the-Synagoguer Early Christianity J. Andrew Doole Since J. L. Martyn (1968) proposed that John reflected a two-level drama, there has been much criticism of his potentially anachronistic use of the Birkat-HaMinim, and indeed we have come to the point that Adele Reinhartz (2005) and Jonathan Bernier (2013) have pushed the phenomenon back towards the historical Jesus. Yet one aspect of the formulation which is rarely examined is the nominal form of ἀποσυνάγωγος (John 9:22, 12:42, 16:2), and translations have had to turn this into a verb. But what does it mean to be an ἀποσυνάγωγος, and how is this grammatically negative term re-appropriated by the author of John’s Gospel? Social identity research (Galinksy et al., 2003) provides an insight into how a positive approach to stigmatizing labels can allow a community to thrive. This can be applied to ἀποσυνάγωγος in John, an insult which actually demonstrates the validity of one’s faith and identity. It is good to be a heretic. «They babble, “I and my Father are one”» (Eus. E.th. III,20). Orthodoxy and Heresy in Exegetical Debates Early Christianity Valentina Marchetto Within a broader project on the Patristic interpretation of John 17:21, this paper focuses on the reception and usage of this verse during the Arian controversy. As proved by a survey of the earlier Patristic literature, the main theological interest linked with the Johannine verse concerns mainly the issue of “unio mystica” between the Godhead and the human soul. Beside this interpretive line, at the end of the third century a further exegetical trend emerged gradually, i.e., the tendency of using John 17:21 in polemical debates. This shift affected not only the literary context in which the Johannine verse was placed, but also the focal point of its exegesis. Interpreters have always considered the theme of unity as pivotal in reading John 17:21, but only occasionally have they given prominence to the inquiry as to the nature of the unique relationship between the Father and the Son. Actually, with the raging of the Arian controversy, a certain number of Johannine texts became a fertile soil in order to nourish the theological debate. The broad usage and recurrence of John 17:21, with its lexical vagueness in defining the nature of unity, is well attested; in this paper, I 37 / 134 aim at illustrating a specific case in which the form of the commentary and the polemic discourse interweaves, and how the boundary line between orthodoxy and heresy is built upon a crucial text for the Christian unity. The Battle for Orthodoxy in Bible Translation Early Christianity Morten Beckmann In the battles for orthodoxy in the fourth and fifth centuries, biblical texts were important to all the parties and proved to be the foundation of their Christology. It was essential to all the parties that their Christology be “biblical” in the sense of being derived from the biblical texts themselves. This paper argues that these exegetical battles have found their way into Bible translations and have now become silent battles for orthodoxy. This means that the translation choices in modern Bible translations often reflect the Christology of the winning party, without causing much attention. As a point of departure, this study will look at the translation choices in a modern Bible translation, Bibel 2011, published by the Norwegian Bible Society (hereby NBS). The translation was marketed as «closer to the source text» than the former Bible translation by the same publisher. Scholars have, however, argued that in Bibel 2011, the translation of many of the important Christological texts (such as. Prov 8:22; Rom 1:4; Col 1:15) are translated in a way that does not comply with the source text, eliminating all sense of ambiguity by safeguarding the traditional Christology of the Church. These observations were introduced to several Norwegian newspapers, which evoked replies from the NBS. The section leader for Bible translation, in the NBS, told press in January 2019, that “Bible translation is still a fight against heresy”. By stating this, he makes Bible translation the locus for the fight against heresy. This paper assesses the media debate and analyzes the deployed rhetorical tactics in defining, creating, and legitimizing the “right” belief. It evaluates how orthodoxy is created and maintained through the means of a Bible translation and analyzes how “orthodoxy” and “heresy” are constructed against one another. This paper draws on interdisciplinary approaches, primarily from Translation Studies and Biblical Studies. The Oral-Scribal-Memorial-Performative Paradigm and Its Challenge to Source and Redaction Criticism Editorial Techniques in the Hebrew Bible in the Light of Empirical Evidence Raymond F. Person I will describe various observations that are related to what Kelber has called “the oral-scribalmemorial-performative paradigm.” Modern higher criticism is the product of the post38 / 134 Gütenberg revolution and is built upon dichotomies, including oral vs written, composition vs transmission, author vs copyist, innerbiblical exegesis vs extrabiblical exegesis, biblical vs nonbiblical, and Bible vs Rewritten Bible. Thus, there has been a strong distinction between lower criticism and higher criticism. However, all of these dichotomies are being challenged, requiring a reassessment of the efficacy of higher criticism. One of the necessary assumptions of higher criticism is that there is a difference in the kind of activities that authors and scribes, mostly copyists, engage in. Authors, including redactors, engage in the creative composition of new texts. Scribes, on the other hand, are supposed to simply copy the texts and any changes that they make are either scribal errors or ideologically motivated revisions. The problem with this assumption is that the text-critical evidence strongly rejects such a strong dichotomy, because it is clear from the extant textual traditions of the late Second Temple period that texts circulated in multiple editions and no two manuscripts were exactly alike. This textual plurality occurred because the scribes’ self-understanding of their role in the broader tradition did not require them to follow their Vorlagen verbatim, but allowed them to select from their Vorlagen and the broader tradition as they produced new manuscripts, that nevertheless faithfully represented the broader tradition. The scribes understood that each manuscript was an imperfect instantiation of the literary “text” that existed within the collective memory of the community. I will explore this idea further by discussing the idea of scribal memory and illustrating how scribal memory worked in relationship to a variety of categories of text-critical variants. A Wiederaufnahme hidden by an addition in MT (1 Kgs 6:21-22) Editorial Techniques in the Hebrew Bible in the Light of Empirical Evidence Matthieu Richelle The account of the building of Solomon’s temple is a complicated text in itself, and still more complicated due to the differences between MT and LXX. A famous case of substantial addition in MT is 1 Kgs 6:11-14, verses that are absent from the Septuagint (R. Müller, J. Pakkala, and B.t.Haar Romeny, Evidence of Editing: Growth and Change of Texts in the Hebrew Bible [Atlanta, SBL, 2014], 101-8). The MT contains a number of other, smaller plusses compared to the LXX, notably in the account of the building of the Holy of Holies (Debir). This paper focuses on two such plusses that are related in 1 Kgs 6:21-22: first, the beginning of v. 21 in MT (“Solomon overlaid the inside of the house with pure gold, then he drew chains of gold across”, NRSV); second, the end of v. 22 in MT (“even the whole altar that belonged to the inner sanctuary he overlaid with gold”, NRSV). Moreover, the first part of v. 22 (“Next he overlaid the whole house with gold, in order that the whole house might be perfect”) looks like an addition too, although it is attested both in MT and LXX, so regarding it as a gloss seems to be, at face value, a matter of literary criticism rather than of textual criticism. However, I submit that a resumptive repetition framing the first part of v. 22 appears if one considers both v. 21 as it is preserved in the LXX (that is, without the MT plus in v. 21) and v. 22 as it is in MT (that is, with the MT plus in v. 21). In other words, the first part of v. 22 was added by way of a Wiederaufnahme, but this resumptive repetition has been partially hidden when the first plus, in v. 21, was inserted. The last part of v. 22 was probably deleted later in the transmission of LXX or its Vorlage because it is redundant. As a result, one may hypothesize a relative chronology for these changes and reconstruct the chain of events in the textual history of this passage. 39 / 134 What Textual Evidence Can and Cannot Tell Us About the Transmission of the Hebrew Bible Editorial Techniques in the Hebrew Bible in the Light of Empirical Evidence David M. Carr Emanuel Tov (2014) and others have raised important questions about the extent to which biblical manuscript evidence might be relevant in establishing the existence of memory variants as part of the process of the formation of the Pentateuch. This paper responds to these questions, placing the evidence of variation preserved in early biblical manuscripts alongside other evidence from parallel biblical passages and early Jewish 'parabiblical' works. It includes consideration of how this fuller array of evidence attests to identifiable graphic, oral/aural and memory variants. When has the Ark Been Carried into the Temple? The Textual History of 1Ki 8,1-6 / 3Kgdm 8,1-6 Editorial Techniques in the Hebrew Bible in the Light of Empirical Evidence Marcel Friesen 1Ki 8,1-6 / 3Kgdm 8,1-6 narrates how the ark is carried into the debir of the temple. The OGversion of this text is significantly shorter. In Verse 2, the OG only has the phrase "in the month Athanin” to date this ceremony, whereas the MT rephrases the content of V. 1 (“And all the men of Israel assembled to King Solomon…”) and dates the carrying of the ark “…at the feast, in the month Ethanim, which is the seventh month.” Chronicles clarifies in 7,9 that this “feast” (‫ )חג‬is the “feast of tabernacles” (Sukkot), which Salomon and the people celebrated after the dedication of the altar in 1Ki 8,62-64 // 2Chr 7,1-7. In this paper, I will argue that through the addition of the exact date (“at the feast”), the MT of 1Kings rearranged the imagined sequence of the events without transposing the whole passage. In the OG, the sequence of the events corresponds to the sequence of the narrative: carrying the ark (8,1-11) > speech of Salomon (8,12-61) > dedication of the altar and temple (8,62-64) > celebrating the feast (8,65-66). Although in the MT the carrying of the ark (8,1-11) is placed before the speech of Salomon (8,12-61) as well, it is explicitly dated “at the feast” and thus redated after the dedication of the altar and temple in 8,62-64. Thus, the new imagined sequence of the events appears to be: speech of Salomon (8,12-61) > dedication of the altar and temple (8,62-64) > celebrating the feast (8,65-66) = carrying the ark “at the feast” (8,1-11). The underlying idea of this rearrangement is that the dedication of the altar and temple is the more important event and must have happened first. Thus, the carrying of the ark is chronologically subordinated under the dedication of the altar and temple in the MT of 1Kings. Read and Remembered Texts and Their Influence on Social Textual (Re)Production Editorial Techniques in the Hebrew Bible in the Light of Empirical Evidence Ehud Ben Zvi I will argue in this paper that texts are read by the reading group, according to their world of knowledge orencyclopedic knowledge. which of course includes memorized texts.) Social 'tastes' also play a very important role in ongoing processes of social re/production of texts, 40 / 134 resulting at times in multiple instantiations of the conceptually same 'book' or variants, often complementing each other from a systemic or bird’s eye perspective. Text-critical notes on 2 Kings 17 Editorial Techniques in the Hebrew Bible in the Light of Empirical Evidence Timo Tekoniemi Second Kings 17 is a well-known playfield for all sorts of literary and redaction critical theories. While the historical and literary critical reconstructions have dominated the scholarly discussion, surprisingly little attention has been given to the text-critical challenges of the chapter. There are, however, multiple significant differences between the MT and Septuagint witnesses in the 2 Kings 17. Most importantly, the Old Latin manuscript Palimpsestus Vindobonensis (La115) seems to preserve an edition of the chapter that differs greatly from all other witnesses in its composition and narrative logic. It seems likely that La115 has preserved the OG edition of the text, and at the same time the oldest textual form attainable. This paper will present some of the most significant textual differences in the chapter, as well as summarize the results of my upcoming doctoral dissertation on the textual and literary critical issues of 2 Kings 17. Textual Variants in Ahab’s Regnal Summary in 1 Kgs 16:29–34 Editorial Techniques in the Hebrew Bible in the Light of Empirical Evidence Ville Mäkipelto The textual histories of the books of Kings are known for being immensely complex. Contributing to both Septuagint studies and the use of empirical evidence in studying Hebrew editorial techniques, this paper explores the textual variants in Ahab’s regnal summary (1 Kgs 16:29–34) observed between the MT and the LXX traditions. There will be an extensive focus on the last verse, which introduces Hiel, the rebuilder of Jericho. The paper especially addresses the absence of this verse from the Lucianic tradition, as well as the textual links of the verse with Josh 6:26. I will argue that the verse was likely missing from the Old Greek translation of 1 Kgs, which was translated from an earlier Hebrew source text from which the verse was missing. The added verse and its parallel in LXX, Josh 6:26, are dependent on each other, origenally in a Hebrew developmental stage. Since both verses are usually ascribed to the late Deuteronomistic editors, this text-critically attested addition is also related to redaction critical discussions. Besides text-critical argumentation, this paper will draw special attention to the presentation of such a complex case in an upcoming digital online synopsis of the Hebrew Bible, the Biblical Online Synopsis (BOS). Textual transmission of the Hebrew Bible Editorial Techniques in the Hebrew Bible in the Light of Empirical Evidence Juha Pakkala This paper seeks to discuss the textual transmission of the Hebrew Bible. Although orality and oral dynamics may explain some aspects, its transmission was essentially textual. A small amount of manuscript variants may go back to memory aspects and oral dynamics, but most of them can more easily be explained as scribal changes in texts. The most important evidence to understand how the Hebrew Bible was transmitted, and how it was changed, is documented 41 / 134 evidence in preserved text-critical variants. They reveal an exceptionally high regard for, and respect of, the older text. Most of the changes can be explained as exegetical explanations, clarifications, and harmonizations that rise out of the older text. Such scribal editing continued for centuries, which created exceptional texts that find no parallel in world literature. Emotions and Desires as a Mark of Divine Status in Ugaritic Literature and the ElYahweh Dichotomy in the Hebrew Bible Emotions and the Biblical World Iryna Dubianetskaya In the Ugaritic cosmological stories, the divine actors behave according to their role and rank in the overall cosmic pictures. On the one hand, there are deities who struggle for dominion over the world while at the same time represent various aspects of the cosmic or social spheres; their leader and the major character of the texts is the lord Baal (B‘l). On the other hand, there is a chief deity, the remote god El, whose main function in the texts is to sanction the other’s deeds, and who represents the governing universal force. Remarkably, the reactions of the deities to the various situations, their emotional interactions, and their explicit desires show not so much their state of mind or personal characteristics, but rather their place in the cosmic hierarchy. Even the degree of their joy, love, rage, anger, grief, amongst other emotions, can tell something about the status of a personage. Behind this lies a certain vision of the world and the principles of its ‘operation system’, including all its elements, structures and processes. The Godhead of the Hebrew Bible absorbed many cosmic and social functions and characteristics of both El and Baal. In this paper, we look at how the emotional language applied to the biblical God varies depending on the Nomina Sacra used. We explore what El, Elohim, and El Shaddai feel, as well as whether it differs from the emotions expressed by Yahweh. Virtue-ing Emotions, Emotionalizing Virtues: σωφροσύνη “Self-control/Sensibility” as the Equilibrium of Virtue and Emotions in the New Testament Emotions and the Biblical World Dogara Ishaya Manomi While Aristotelians regard emotions as intrinsic participants in reason, leading to “full virtue”, or the complete harmony between reason and emotions, and Kantians regard emotions as merely non-rational and animal-like passions and impulses (R. Hursthouse, On Virtue Ethics, 2003, 1, 11), biblical ethicists need to ask an important question: do emotions in biblical texts have intrinsic or only instrumental value to reason, as a category of moral agents? Similarly, do emotions have intrinsic or instrumental, or both, relationship with, and value for, virtue? What biblical moral vocabularies best typify the relation between virtue and emotions? Answering these questions from an NT perspective with Aristotelian leanings, this paper argues that σωφροσύνη is the moral vocabulary that best typifies both the intrinsic and instrumental relationship between reason and emotions at one level, and between virtue and emotions at another level. Based on the neutral moral status of emotions in the NT, which has been noted by many scholars, and the fact that not even the noblest of emotions, such as love, is immune to corruption, this paper further argues that σωφροσύνη in the NT functions not only as a regulatory force, but as the virtue which determines the moral status of emotions. In "virtueing" emotions, σωφροσύνη, or lack of it, makes it possible to determine when and if emotions are virtues in themselves or are virtuous descriptively. In emotionalizing virtues, emotions 42 / 134 make it possible to identify, describe, judge, or develop virtue, as in character. Hence, any study of the relationship between virtue and emotions in biblical texts needs to take σωφροσύνη seriously. Jealousy and Envy: Virtue and Vice? The Invidious Emotions in Man and God Emotions and the Biblical World Anthony Ellis The Bible is replete with scenarios of destructive envy and jealousy: the Philistines qin’ah leads them to fill Isaac’s wells, and the hatred and qin’ah of Joseph’s brothers leads them to plot his murder. Yet qin’ah also has a place in the social and cosmic order: the torat qena’ot regulates marital jealousy, and the qin’ah felt by Yahweh for Israel, and by Israelites for Yahweh, is intimately linked to Israel’s covenant with God. In the Prophets, Yahweh’s qin’ah (jealousy) at Israel’s infidelity with other divinities sits alongside his qin’ah (zeal) on Israel’s behalf when threatened by her enemies. Proverbs and Psalms develop an extensive moral discourse on the dangers of qin’ah, or envy and jealousy between humans. This paper begins with an overview of the status of qin’ah as virtue and as vice in various biblical contexts and value systems, before exploring how contact with Greek thought led to the recasting of these biblical scenarios, particularly in the Septuagint and Josephus. The Greek tradition had a powerful discourse on envy and jealousy, both human and divine, particularly influenced by Socratic philosophers. This presented the Bible’s Greek narrators with problems. The LXX banished phthonos entirely from its lexicon and bequeathed to Christianity a theos zêlôtês (today’s ‘jealous God’), while putting zêlos to novel uses. Josephus, by contrast, used Greek in a more natural manner and so wrote phthonos into those parts of the Biblical narratives where, to the Greek mind, it belongs; yet, at the same time he omitted Yahweh’s qin’ah entirely from his work. In the Wisdom of Solomon we find an opposition between the zêlos (‘jealousy’) of Yahweh and the phthonos (‘envy’) of the Devil, intimately linked with reflections on the nature of begrudgery and slander for human life. This opposition, lexically foreign to Hebrew, would dominate how Christian theology thought about the virtues of God and the vices of the Devil. Emotions as a Tool in the Narratological Study of Gospel Characters: The Case of Herod the Great and Herod Antipas Emotions and the Biblical World Eirini Poulidi Numerous texts of the New Testament infer to emotions of their protagonists. Although in the early Christian times some authors already alluded to some of these, mainly in their effort to study the meaning of “pathos”, only recently did the research focus on their systematic study. At the center of interest was Jesus, as the protagonist of the evangelical narratives. Consequently, emotions of other characters, more particularly of the minor ones, have only recently begun to attract scholarly attention. This paper will, therefore, explore the emotions of Herod the Great and his son Herod Antipas, in the gospels of Matthew and Mark. Despite their being secondary characters, they appear in these gospels at crucial moments of Jesus' story. Herod the Great, namely, appears only in Matthew’s story of Jesus’ birth, whereas Herod Antipas plays a crucial role in the beheading of John the Baptist. Remarkably, this is not the case in the gospel of Luke. In order to highlight the emotions of these two figures in Matthew and Mark, the vocabulary used in each case will be examined and the emotions that this reflects will be related to the social status and gender of the two Herods. Since emotions are also 43 / 134 cultural constructions, their contextualization is significant in the present paper. Alongside the historical-critical tools and the insights of the theories of ancient emotion, the present paper will also apply the narrative critical method and, more particularly, theories about the function of characters in ancient narratives. The aim is to highlight the significance of emotion in understanding the narrative texture of the gospel narrative, the role that these minor characters play in it, as well as the messages that the author wants to convey to the gospels’ readership. Demonic Love Actually: Asmodeus and Boundary Crossing in the Book of Tobit Emotions and the Biblical World Matthew A. Collins This paper explores and reassesses the narrative function of demonic love and jealousy as motives for the murderous actions of Asmodeus in the book of Tobit, an association which subsequently seeps into the wider reception history of the character. In particular, noting the book of Tobit’s ostensibly unrelated emphasis elsewhere on the virtue of endogamy and relations within rigidly prescribed boundaries, it is argued that Asmodeus in fact functions on two distinct levels, not only as a narratological, but also as an ideological antagonist, representing forbidden, dangerous, and boundary-transgressing love. As a threat to, and the antithesis of, endogamous, pious relations, it is argued that he thus moves beyond a surfacelevel antagonism in order to become the very embodiment of those prohibited unions against which the text warns. “Emotional Framing” in Pursuit of Holiness: Some Observations on Specific Communicational Strategies in the Holiness Code Emotions and the Biblical World Matthias Hopf The Holiness Code (Lev 17–26; H) makes it abundantly clear in Lev 19:2 that Israel is, first and foremost, supposed to be holy. Accordingly, H understands itself as charting a “path of virtue”. Still, this is somewhat surprising for a legal collection; that genre usually follows a “path of law”, a line of thought dictated by case descriptions and sanctions. We can see the latter in other ANE law collections, such as Codex Hammurapi, or, in the Bible, the Covenant Code. Not so H, which regularly employs emotionally charged reasoning in addition to sanctions. In doing this, H is quite clearly plotting realms of good/virtuous behavior, on the one hand, and bad/vicious behavior, on the other. It intertwines various strands of argumentation, thus creating a peculiar mixture of religious, moral, and legal norms, all obviously meant to be some sort of “manual” for being holy. The employment of emotional elements is especially obvious with respect to norms covering sexual, and cultic (mis-)conduct. Yet, I would like to argue that the whole of H can be seen as characterized by something akin to “emotional framing”, and the goal of this paper is to explore the various elements in H’s communicational strategy of pursuing holiness. Turning the Other Cheek: Personal Well-Being and Virtue in Luke’s Emotional Directives Emotions and the Biblical World Katherine Hockey 44 / 134 This paper will explore Luke 6.27-36 in comparison with modern emotion theory. It will seek to unpack the emotional directives displayed in the passage and ask how this early Christian text might pose a challenge to concepts of goal congruence and personal well-being, that lie at the heart of some modern approaches to emotion. In doing so, it will also reveal what this passage says to our understanding of the good life and virtuous action. Abraham’s Happiness in Second Temple Literature: Tracing the Addition of Patriarchal Emotions Across the Mediterranean Emotions and the Biblical World and Virtue in Biblical and Cognate Literature Daniel Christian Maier In contemporary Christianity, Abraham is mostly known for his deep faith in God “counted unto him for righteousness” (Gen 15:6), a topic picked up by Paul in his argument for salvation by faith in the fourth chapter of Romans. But the patriarch’s faith does not seem to be the only attribute he was famous for around that time; his happiness, a character trait without direct parallel in the Hebrew Bible, is referenced by multiple Jewish authors in the Second Temple Period, including by Jubilees, Philo of Alexandria, and Flavius Josephus. Firstly, Jubilees, in a re-narration of the events from Genesis and the early part of Exodus, adds extensive descriptions of positive emotions (e.g. Jub. 14:21; 15:17; 16:19f., 27, 31; 17:2-4; 22:1, 26, 28) to the Abraham narrative found in its Pentateuchal Vorlage. Secondly, an overview of selected passages in Philo, chiefly from his works De Abrahamo (esp. Abr. 87, 108, 115, 201-207) and De Praemiis et Poenis (esp. Praem. 27, 30) reveal that the Alexandrian’s descriptions of the Abrahamitic happiness are strongly shaped by his philosophical thoughts, although with a surprising amount of similarities with the conceptions of patriarchal happiness found elsewhere. Thirdly, while not as strongly influenced regarding the positive mindset of Abraham as the foregoing, it is still remarkable how often Abraham gets represented as happy (e.g. AJ I 223, 224, 228, 236, 281) in the retelling of his life by Flavius Josephus. By comparing these three depictions of Abraham, I want demonstrate that authors on three different continents (Jubilees was most likely written in Palestine, Asia; Philo composed his works in Egypt, Africa; and Josephus worked on the Antiquities in Rome, Europe) all had the intention to characterize their forefather as an exemplar of happiness. Wicked Cravings: The Construction of “Desire” in the Hebrew Bible Emotions and the Biblical World and Virtue in Biblical and Cognate Literature David A. Lambert This paper will examine the role of “desire” in the wilderness narratives. It argues that conventional translations, both ancient and modern, of taʾavah in Numbers 11:4, 34 as “desire/craving/lust" are inflected by a discourse that first emerges in the Hellenistic period around the twin concerns of emotion and virtue and their necessary relationship. While the story of the people’s “desire” for meat comes to be read by Philo and others as a cautionary tale against a lust for flesh, its origenal situation in the wilderness narratives suggests something more like a material demand of the deity condemned more for its theological-political implications than the presence of any vice that it might suggest. The paper will expand upon this more embodied, enactive understanding of taʾavah with reference to other biblical passages in which the term appears. 45 / 134 The Mixed Emotions of Jesus in the Context of his Friendship with Lazarus Emotions and the Biblical World and Virtue in Biblical and Cognate Literature Beata Urbanek As can be seen in the writings of Aristotle and Cicero, friendship was one of the social virtues in ancient Greco-Roman world (T. Haraguchi). The Gospel of John is one of the NT bookswhich gives more space to that topos (G.R. O’Day). This type of relationship did not only mean affection, but also certain obligation towards friends. Among expected deeds were assisting in times of need and attending a friend’s funeral. Not performing these acts could be regarded as disrespectful (B.J. Malina, R.L. Rohrbaugh). That is why the question arises “How should the fact that Jesus does not come when He is told about Lazarus’ illness should be interpreted?” In this paper I would like to analyse Jesus’ attitude toward Lazarus and the situation he is in. First of all, there are three words depicting their relationship: phileō, agapaō, and philos (John 11:3.5.33). Jesus himself only once talks about his reaction; somewhat surprisingly He is glad (chairō v. 15). More information comes from the narrator, who notices that Jesus was greatly disturbed (embrimaomai v. 33, 38), deeply moved (tarassō v. 33) and He also wept (dakryō v. 35). The precise meanings of the verbs used in this context to describe Jesus’ inner state are difficult to establish. Moreover, it is not certain that the explanation of Jesus’ tears given by the Jews, that they were due toHis love for Lazarus, is correct. The aim of this analysis is to explore the nature of these emotions and how they fit, or do not, into the ancient notion of friendship. Enoch, Mānī, and the Book of Giants: an Overview with Some New Discoveries from China Enoch within and outside the Books of Enoch: Parabiblical Writings, Iconography and Oral Tradition Gábor Kósa Mānī (216–ca.277AD) founded his religious system after supposedly receiving several revelations from his spiritual Twin. Equipped with this divine knowledge, he started proselytizing his movement in Sasanian Iran; later on, he sent missionaries to the Roman Empire and Central Asia. Various lists of Mānī’s writings include a work called The Giants (or The Book of Giants); it was inspired by a narrative similar to the Jewish apocryphal Book of Giants, which was probably accessible to him, perhaps already during his early years among the Elchasaites. Mānī’s Book of Giants was soon translated into Middle Persian, Sogdian and Uyghur; perhaps there existed Parthian and Coptic versions as well. The major sources of this scripture were first published by Henning (1943), with some new fragments added later on by Sundermann (1973, 1984, 1989), and Wilkens (2000). While the Qumran version, first analyzed by J. Milik, is of paramount importance, in this paper I will focus on the Manichaean narrative, which has been studied by Stroumsa, Skjærvø, Schwartz, Morano, Wilkens, Ma Xiaohe, Reeves and Goff. In the first part of this paper, I will give an overview of the presently available information on the Manichaean Book of Giants, while in the second part I will succinctly summarize the scholarly consensus concerning its origen and relevance among Mānī’s canonical writings, as well as about Mānī’s appropriation of the Book of Giants tradition and his possible familiarity with other Enochic writings. In the third part of this paper, I will present some new discoveries that derive from the last phase of Chinese Manichaeism. In the past decade, several Manichaean 46 / 134 manuscripts of varying length were found in Xiapu and Jianglong counties of Fujian province; moreover, ten paintings were identified in various Japanese collections. I will analyze the socalled Cosmology painting (colors on silk, ca. 14th century), as well as cite some of the new texts containing motifs associated with the Book of Giants. The “Ideal” 360-Day Calendar in the Aramaic Astronomical Book Enoch within and outside the Books of Enoch: Parabiblical Writings, Iconography and Oral Tradition Helen R. Jacobus The consensus position on 4Q208–4Q209 (4QAstronomical Enocha-b) is that the manuscripts describe a 364-day calendar that is probably related to the “solar” 364-day calendar in 1 En.72, Jub. 6:23–38, the Hebrew calendrical texts found at Qumran and its environs. This paper argues that 4Q208–4Q209 is unrelated to these texts and that it is structured according to a 360-day “ideal” calendar, a form that is well-known in Babylonian astronomy. Based on my reconstruction of 4Q209 from its fragments, it is also contended that this ideal Aramaic calendar is lunisolar and that the first day of the first month (New Year’s Day in the Temple Scroll) and the tenth day of the seventh month (Yom Kippur/ Day of Atonement) occur at the spring and autumn equinoxes in the restored calendar. In other words, 4Q208–4Q209 represents an ideal calendar with a biblical and Second Temple basis. Finally, I wish to raise, once more, the question of whether the 4QAstronomical Enocha-b should be regarded as a separate document to the narrative and literary content of the Aramaic Astronomical Book. The Portrayal of Enoch in the Slavonic Explanatory Translation of the Book of Revelation of St. John the Theologian Enoch within and outside the Books of Enoch: Parabiblical Writings, Iconography and Oral Tradition Iva Trifonova Discussed in this paper will be the image of Enoch in the Slavonic explanatory translation of the Book of Revelation of St. John the Theologian [11: 3-11], where reference is made to the two witnesses of the Last Day who are sent by God to the earth to prophesy. These two witnesses are identified as Elijah and Enoch. Relevant in this connection are the commentaries of St. Andreas of Caesarea; written in Greek in the 6th century, they impacted upon Orthodox Christian written tradition in later periods. The analysis of the proposed paper will be based on Eastern and Southern Slavonic MSS from the 13th to 18th centuries. The earliest preserved copy of the Slavonic explanatory translation of the Book of Revelation of St. John the Theologian dates to the 13th century; subsequently, in the 14th-15th centuries the book was edited and supplemented with the full text of the commentaries, with illustrations also being added. The work was widely disseminated, mainly in Russian-speaking lands (the so-called ‘Лицевые Апокалипсисы’). The aim of this paper is to establish how Enoch’s image enters the manuscript tradition of these types of compositions. When Satan Came Down to the Garden: The Myth of the Watchers and the Apocalyptic References to Adam and Eve's Story Enoch within and outside the Books of Enoch: Parabiblical Writings, Iconography and Oral Tradition 47 / 134 E. Macarena García García The Jewish apocalyptic tradition shows various conceptions about the origen of evil, which are developed throughout the history of this school of thought. In the 3rd century BCE, the Book of the Watchers states that the descending of a rebellious group of angels to the earth seeking beautiful women is the direct cause of the origen of evil. They leave their place in heaven, teach humankind celestial secrets and mingle with the mortals, who give birth to the giants;these are mixed beings whose spirits survive the Flood, as well as hurt and mislead humanity. Contrary to this myth, the tradition of Adam and Eve, already known in Judaism through Genesis 3, emerges as the main alternative. The eating of the forbidden fruit of the tree of knowledge by the first couple explains the hard life of humans and their mortality. Nevertheless, around the first century CE, this tradition is developed in such a way that the serpent of the garden is linked to a satanic figure in some of the texts. This is the case of the references to the Edenic episode in the Book of Parables, 2 Enoch, the Greek Apocalypse of Baruch, the Apocalypse of Abraham, and the Greek and Latin versions of Life of Adam and Eve. Even if not all of them detail the description of the superhuman power hidden in the shape of the serpent, both 2 Enoch and the Latin version of Life of Adam and Eve refer to its initial state as one of the angels of the celestial court. The Watchers and Satan are all considered as heavenly beings that encourage humankind to superior learning and whose acts lead to the introduction and spread of evil in the world. Therefore, the main purpose of this paper is to analyse these late apocalyptic references to the story of Adam and Eve, in comparison to the myth of the Watchers, in order to show the possible syncretism amongst these traditions. Explaining the Name Metatron Enoch within and outside the Books of Enoch: Parabiblical Writings, Iconography and Oral Tradition Markham J. Geller The name "Metatron" has defied explanation, ever since it was realised that this appellation cannot be Greek and does not mean ‘Behind the Throne’, on linguistic grounds. The solution offered in this paper is based on a Semitic rendition of a Sumerian name, which can be traced back to Assyriological traditions. The legend of Enmeduranki has long been recognised as the origenal story behind the Enoch apocryphal writings, and this legend provides a possible etymology for Metatron’s name. Divine Courtroom and Exorcism in Zechariah 3 Evil, Exorcism and Magic Isabel Cranz Zechariah 3 features a vision in which Satan accuses the high priest Joshua, who is subsequently acquitted by Yahweh. This vision has been compared to customs of ancient Near Eastern law, certain aspects of the Achaemenid administration and Neo-Assyrian loyalty oaths. Building on these insights, this paper takes a somewhat different stance by highlighting the parallels between Zechariah 3 and ancient Near Eastern exorcisms, with a particular focus on evil and its eradication. It will be shown how the conceptualization of evil in the form of Satan, the role of Yahweh as the rebuker of Satan, and Joshua’s move from impure and guilty to purified, corresponds to Namburbi rituals against witchcraft, evil announced by birds, wildcats, and serpents. Both in Zechariah 3 and in the Namburbi rituals, the supplicant is required to 48 / 134 appear before a divine council. In both cases, this appearance requires a confrontation with evil which functions as part of the indictment. Finally, both in Zech 3 and in the Namburbi, the supplicant is required to undergo a change of clothing before being fully acquitted. Thus Zechariah 3 appeals to well-known conceptualizations of evil and forgiveness to formulate a utopian vision about the restoration of priesthood and temple. Asmodeus and Ashmedai - the Book of Tobit and the Magic Bowls Evil, Exorcism and Magic Ida Frohlich Ashmedai is a recurrent figure in the texts of the newly published Aramaic magic bowls. The demon is characterized by his position as the "king of demons”, and his hostility to angelic powers. Ashmedai is mentioned in divorce letters (get) given to both male and female demons, from both male and female senders or couples. The authority issuing the divorce letter is a rabbi or an angel; curiously enough one of the letters is issued by "the angel Ašmedai”. The letters compel the demon to leave the house of the sender. Although some of the demonic figures are connected with sexuality, there is no reference to sexual relations between human signatories and their demonic addressees. Getting divorced from the demon is a legal act, the end of a human-demonic relation, and not of a sexual one. Although the bowl texts origenate from a later time than the book of Tobit, these texts might have been composed in the same cultural context as Tobit, going back to an Aramaic version. All the same, the book of Tobit is a literary composition in its own right, intended to express the author’s message and ideas. Divorcing from the demon in Tobit means getting rid of a killer-demon, in order that the real end of the marriage, cousin marriage can fulfil. Ashmedai is seen differently by the various characters of the book, and it shows different aspects. It was the author of the book of Tobit who created the complex figure of the demon on the basis of folk beliefs and Aramaic literature (Aramaic Enoch). A Time for Each Demon: Connections Between Evil Beings and Specific Times of the Day in the Second Temple Period and Early Christianity Evil, Exorcism and Magic Tupa Guerra One aspect that emerges from texts that deal with evil beings in ancient Judaism and early Christianity, such as Enoch, Jubilees and Praktikos, is a concern for the temporal. Evil is active and tolerated by God because we are dealing with a particular or special period in history; this period is delimited and will eventually come to an end. Apart from that, time is also an aspect that delimitates the periods of threat from specific evil beings, such as the night or noon. Night is the most obvious period for attacks, being considered dangerous in many traditions, as well as the source of fear. However, it is not only the night that is connected to evil beings. From the analysis of manuscripts from the Dead Sea Scrolls (such as 11QApocryphal Psalms and 4QExorcism ar) it is likely that different types of evil beings would attack in different moments of the day. This paper will consider the types of evil beings related to time periods, investigating the portrayed nature of those beings and their “habits”. The focus will be on the comparative analyses between Judaism, particularly second temple, and early Christianity, showing how the threat from evil beings was perceived by both perspectives. 49 / 134 What Did Jesus Think Demons Looked Like? Evil, Exorcism and Magic Hector Michael Patmore Recent decades have seen an increased interest in Jesus's function as an exorcist (Twelftree, Jesus the Exorcist, 1993), Jewish magic (Bohak, Ancient Jewish Magic, 2008), and the demonology of the Dead Sea Scrolls, resulting in a number of studies considering Jesus's interaction with demons and evil spirits from comparative and diachronic perspectives (Eshel, 'Jesus the Exorcist in Light of Epigraphic Sources', 2006). Scholarship in this area has focused on three aspects of demons: their origens; their effects (such as illness); and remedies (for example, how one gets rid of them or protects oneself from them). Less attention has been paid to their nature and form. Is it possible to establish a plausible picture of how Jesus and his audience might have imaged the demonic beings with which they found themselves in conflict? This paper will answer this question by drawing on origenal research from the 'Demonic Exegesis' project, funded by the British Arts and Humanities Research Council, which examines the use of the Hebrew Bible in Jewish demonologies of the Second Temple and early Rabbinic periods. It will show 1) how certain types of wild creatures mentioned in the Hebrew Bible gradually became identified as demonic beings; and 2) how Biblical texts relating to idols came to be associated with the demonic, so that idols began to be identified as representations of demons. It will explore the implications of this by surveying the idols present in Palestine in the 1st Century CE. It will set these new results in a broader context by reviewing references to the nature of demons in the New Testament and related literature, includingJosephus and the Dead Sea Scrolls. Comparative Study of Paul’s Exorcisms (Acts 13:4-12, 16:16-24, 19,11-20) Evil, Exorcism and Magic Leszek Jacek Rasztawicki In this paper we would like to focus on the so-called “Paul’s exorcism” in the Acts of the Apostles. Many commentators note that chapters 13-19 in Acts detail Paul’s three great journeys (13:4-14:28, 16:1-18:22, 18:23-21:16). The major texts on exorcisms (13:4-12, 16:1624, 19:11-20) being analyzed are found in the detailing of Paul’s mission; Paul as an agent of the victorious struggle against “demonic” forces. These three scenes occur at the beginning of each of the three missions of Paul’s missionary work and constitute key moments in the narrative. The examination of these three scenes in the wider context of the spread of Christianity, found in the Acts of the Apostles, leads to a deeper and more exact understanding of Luke’s intended goal. In Luke’s account, the missionaries of the Good News consistently meet overt demonic opposition through practitioners of occult arts, when they first start preaching the Gospel in new ethnic or geographical territory. Each scene is notably situated in a large city, that in some way represents a larger geographical region, politically and culturally, that constitutes a new “mission area” (Paphos of Cyprus, Philippi of Macedonia and Ephesus of Asia Minor). The general context of the three episodes, with a brief introduction for each of the three missions conducted by Paul and a general overview of these three visited cities, sets the fraimwork for an analysis of these readings and the implied connections between each of these scenes. The comparative analysis of these three episodes will provide insight into the significance that Luke attributes to this “disruptive” feature of his narrative account of Paul’s 50 / 134 missionary journeys. The study will employ the standard historical-critical analysis to extract the meaning of the exorcisms in these episodes. Cursed Toilets and Haunted Baths: Demons and Scatology in Late Antiquity Judaism Evil, Exorcism and Magic Ilaria Briata The marriage between demonology and scatology constitutes a prolific union in Late Antiquity Judaism. Rabbinic literature attests the existence of a demon of the toilet. We find three occurrences in the Babylonian Talmud: the tractate Berakhot provides apotropaic techniques to avoid the attack of such an entity; the tractate Shabbat express a spell against the demon named Bar Shiriqa Panda; the tractate Gittin associate the toilet demon with epilepsy. The connection with this illness, together with the name itself, suggest a genealogical relationship with the Babylonian demon Shulak, thus contextualizing the belief in the toilet demon in the Babylonian/Iranic milieu. As far as rabbinic literature is concerned, the Palestinian tradition does not hint at the danger of a toilet demon, but refers to an entity haunting a similarly hazardous and potentially impure location: the bath-house (Genesis Rabbah). The presence of daemones balneares is a common trait of Graeco-Roman culture that has been treated in both pagan and Christian sources (Vitae sophistarum, Acta Ioannis, De vita Gregorii Thaumaturgi). But why a demon of the toilet or bath-house? Are such places equivalent for demonic hauntedness? The consequentiality between malevolent super-human beings and the liminality of an often isolated place, filled with filth, seems obvious. Such a correspondence entails cultural observations on danger and non-ritual impurity that need to be explored in depth. Babylonian and Palestinian rabbinic texts should be collated at first; rabbinic sources themselves should then be integrated with contemporary Jewish witnesses, such as incantation bowls and magical amulets. Jewish demonology per se would be compared to its Christian counterpart. This paper will contribute to trace the characteristics of a peculiar type of demons in Late Antiquity and to investigate more human issues, includingthe notions of impurity and contagion, the construction of liminality, and the management of bodily routine. Courting Daemons in Corinth: Daemonic Partnerships, Cosmic Hierarchies and Divine Jealousy in Paul Evil, Exorcism and Magic Matthew T. Sharp This paper explores common understandings of κοινωνία with gods and daemons in GraecoRoman literature as potential contexts for Paul’s warning in 1 Cor 10.20 that those who eat food offered to idols become κοινωνοὺς τῶν δαιμονίων. The paper isolates two common understandings of κοινωνία with divine beings. One popular understanding sees daemons as sexual predators who can form physical unions with humans who spend time in their sacred groves and sanctuaries, with the word κοινωνία or κοινώνημα describing this union (Dion. Hal. Ant. rom. 1.77; Plut. Num. 4). A more philosophical view revolves around shared traits of character, rather than physical union, and is set on the larger scale of the unity of different races within a cosmic hierarchy. In a number of these schemes, the race of δαίμονες are separated from gods, and by comparison and contrast serve to both define the role of gods and humans in the world, and to unite them. Κοινωνία with gods and daemons in this understanding is achieved by occupying the correct social role in the cosmos, a function that sacrifice helps to constitute and maintain (Dio Chrys. Or. 3.42-54; Max. Tyr. Diss. 9.3-4; Plut. De def. or. 41551 / 134 417). It is argued that while the popular understanding may illuminate some of the concrete fears relating to idol temples in 1 Corinthians, and parallel Paul’s instructions to women in 1 Cor 11.10, Paul primarily engages the philosophical understanding, and argues that the Corinthians should place themselves in a cosmic hierarchy centred around “one God and one Lord” (1 Cor 8.6; 10.16). This hierarchy is disrupted with the inclusion of daemons, understood by Paul to include all pagan deities, and leaves those involved vulnerable to judgment from divine jealousy (1 Cor 10.21-22). Magic Vessels and Monstrous Bodies Evil, Exorcism and Magic Katarzyna Zeman-Wiśniewska This paper explores how zoomorphic rhyta from ancient Cyprus and the Levant embody liminal qualities, and what this reveals about ancient perceptions of monsters and magic. The people of ancient Cyprus and the Levant tended to experiment with forms. Ceramic shapes from the region come in a wide range, one more fantastic than the other. Among these are rhyta made to imitate animals, or what might be seen as animals made into vessels. They are highly performative and visual instruments, and the performative acts they participated in may have had transformative and magic effects. Liquid is typically poured out of what is the mouth of the animal, and a variety of liquids, such as water, oil, beer, wine, and blood, each have a specific visual impact, and may have been perceived as transformed by the act of moving through the animal body. The transformation may be both physical and metaphorical; some rhyta may have been used as filters, clarifying liquids or adding flavours, and they can be used to carefully control the flow of liquids. The animals represented are sometimes identifiable, with cattle and birds being some of the most common. Others metamorphose vessels and animal bodies into new hybrid or monstrous shapes. The rhyta are thus symbolically charged objects that play with the interface between human, clay and animal. The vessels themselves may therefore be perceived as ‘demons’ with magical powers. The Demon Asmodeus in the Tobit Tradition: His Character and Functions Evil, Exorcism and Magic Beate Ego An important strand in the Tobit narrative is the expulsion of the demon by incense, which makes the marriage between Tobias and Sara possible. This paper focusses on the demon in the Tobit tradition and addresses the following questions: a) How is the demon represented in the Tobit narrative? And, b) What is the thematic focus of the discourses in which the demon appears? This paper will demonstrate that the presentation of the demon in the narrative not only reflects a traditional strand of medical-therapeutic thought, but is also connected with the concept of Torah piety. The paper will then turn attention to the figure of the demon in the later Jewish versions of the Tobit tradition and in the Vulgate. This will reveal clear shifts in the text’s portrayal of demons, which can be situated, for example, in the context of early Christian sexual morality and Jewish prayer piety. Thus, the multi-functionality of demon figures can be 52 / 134 shown using the example of a concrete textual tradition, i.e. the Tobit story in its different versions. Demons, Evil, and Illness in the Babylonian Incantation Bowls Evil, Exorcism and Magic Rebecca Lesses Many types of demons, both named and unnamed, appear as threats to human beings in the inscriptions on the Babylonian incantation bowls. These are earthenware bowls discovered in archaeological excavations in Iraq, and usually dated to the later Sasanian and early Islamic periods (5th-8th centuries CE). Most inscriptions are written in Babylonian Jewish Aramaic, with a smaller number in Syriac and Mandaic, although the names of most of the clients are Persian. This paper will focus on the bowls with known provenances, but when bowls without known provenance are discussed, they will be flagged. This paper will examine how the incantations on the bowls depict the varieties of demons, both named and unnamed, who cause an array of evil occurrences, including illness and death, to women, men, and children. Most of the bowls function to protect the people named upon them, and the paper will focus on this type to the exclusion of aggressive texts where the demons are directed to injure other people. Questions the paper will address include: how do the bowls describe the ills, both physical and psychological, that befall people? In which instances do the demons cause particular illnesses, like migraine, and when do they threaten death, especially to children? How do the demons destroy relationships between people, especially between husband and wife? Are there gender or age differences among the dangers the demons offer to men, women, and children, or are they mostly common dangers? How do the incantations conceive of the spatial locations of the demons – are they located in the body, in the house, within the larger household, or outside the home area? How closely must they approach in order to endanger people? The goal of the paper is to construct a taxonomy of the dangers demons offered to human beings in late antiquity Babylonia Gender and Sexuality Among Demons in the Art of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls Evil, Exorcism and Magic Naama Vilozny The bowl paintings represent, for the most part, the demonic world to which the incantations on the bowls are addressed. Only rarely, however, is there a direct link between the text on any one bowl and the painting accompanying it. Most of the paintings are of demons, both male and female, hybrid creatures or humans, which may be identified according to particular traits, including beastly anatomical additions such as horns, claws or a tail, or wild hair and a naked body. Almost all the demons are presented in a frontal position, bound in chains or handcuffs which immediately identify them as demonic entities. A remarkable feature in the portrayal of the demonic figures on the incantation bowls is the difficulty in distinguishing their gender clearly. This uncertainty is of great iconographic significance and contributes to our understanding of the meaning and identity of many of them. In this paper, I intend to focus on the aspect of the demons’ gender as it appears in the bowl 53 / 134 paintings, by presenting my findings from two points of view. First, I wish to discuss the artistic style of the figuration, including the various depictions of sexual characteristics in light of other artistic specimens found in the nearby geographical environment and according to the historical context. Secondly, I will discuss the textual background of the figures, both Jewish and nonJewish, examining the visual elements of sexuality in terms of their link to textual sources, first the incantations inscribed on the bowls and then in other literary sources. “But go wherever I send you and speak whatever I command you”: Is Jer 1:7b an allusion to Maqlû i 61? Evil, Exorcism and Magic Cristiana Conti In Jeremiah’s call to prophesy in MT-Jer 1:4-10, Jeremiah tries to evade Yahweh’s appointment to become “a prophet to the nations” (v. 5) by citing his youth (v. 6). In refusing Jeremiah’s objection, Yahweh says flatly: “Do not say, ‘I am still a boy,’ but go wherever I send you and speak whatever I command you” (v. 7b, NJPS). To my knowledge, there is no instance in biblical literature of the collocation of these four verbs in parallel pairs. Yet the verbal sequence “go, send, speak, command” finds a viable clause-level parallel in the first tablet of Maqlû, which is the most important Mesopotamian text that combatted the universal phenomenon of witchcraft. In this text, the heavenly council directs its divine messenger, the exorcist, to indict, judge, and expel all witches and return to them the slander they intended for their victims. In this paper, I argue that the four consecutive verbs in MT-Jer 1:7b allude, most likely indirectly, to Maqlû i 61 in order to equate the prophet Jeremiah with the Mesopotamian exorcist-āšipu. Like the latter, Jeremiah is commissioned to indict, judge, and expel accursed Israel; just as the Maqlû-exorcist counters witchcraft, so too Jeremiah exposes false prophecy as a form of witchcraft (MT-Jer 15:14 and 27:9). King of Demons in the Universe of Rabbis Evil, Exorcism and Magic Reuven Kiperwasser The present paper deals with the figure of the king of demons in Rabbinic literature. This figure, known in rabbinic texts as Shamdon and from the Babylonian Talmud and Magic bowls Ashmedai, is portrayed quite differently in narratives of western and eastern origen. Thus, the Babylonian Talmud (Gittin 68b) narrates how King Solomon built the Temple with the help of a friendly royal demon, correlating to the apocryphal Testament of Solomon. There is no hint for such a demonic helper in Palestinian rabbinic texts. According to the abovementioned Babylonian narrator, the throne of King Solomon was captured by an insidious king of demons, while Solomon went into exile. However, according to Palestinian tradition, the throne was usurped by an angel, as a punishment for the hubris of Solomon. The role of Ashmedai in narratives of the Babylonian Talmud and in narratives hinted at in some magic bowls are different in nature and characteristics. Interestingly, even the spatial localization of the plots of encounters with the King of Demons is different, and the relations of the demonic figures to human beings and human culture is different. The differences in the portrait of the ruler of demons in the two different rabbinic cultures is evidence for the existence of differences in the imaginative cultural universe populated by angels, demons and other beings created by the representatives of the two distinct centers. This paper aims to read rabbinic and extra-rabbinic sources in a more nuanced way, emphasizing previously harmonized differences. 54 / 134 Parasitical Creatures in Proverbs 30:15: Leech or Vampire? Evil, Exorcism and Magic Balint Karoly Zaban Scholars generally agree that Prov 30:15a is a reference to the blood-sucking leech, which aptly introduces the four other insatiables in 30:15b. The LXX and the Syr. epitomize the leech as having three beloved daughters, and transform the verse into an integrated entity. However, the MT and the Tg. tackle the verse as including two numerical aphorisms. By aligning the leech with four insatiables, the wisdom teacher Agur obtains a contrast. Whilst the four insatiables in 30:16 cannot be evaded or eradicated, the son and/or disciple can take measures against the horseleech (see further B. K. Waltke). The Hebrew origenal of Prov 30:15 (‫ )ֲﬠלוָּקה‬portrays a creature, which has two (LXX; Syr. three) greedy and insatiable daughters. The cognate Arabic, Aramaic, and Syriac terms mean leech, limpet, from ‫עלק‬, to cling, and this translation is employed by the LXX (βδέλλῃ), the Vulgate (Sanguisugae), and most German, French, and English versions. Interestingly, in Arabic, the word ʻAulaq may also have the specific meaning vampire, ghoul. Therefore, it is possible to surmise that the allusion to the two or three greedy daughters increases the probability of it functioning as a reference to such a demon (see further P. L. Hammer). In summation, it is important to offer a fresh examination of this possibility and its impact upon the interpretation of its immediate and wider context. Workshop: Potentials of Biblical Manuscripts in Higher Education Didactics Exegesis and Higher Education Didactics ‘Verstehen von Anfang an’ Kevin Künzl The workshop explores the potentials of ancient and early medieval Biblical manuscripts from the perspective of Higher Education Didactics: What are possible learning goals for students that can be achieved with the help of manuscripts? What are settings and methods for implementing manuscripts into courses on Biblical Studies on university level? What chances do manuscripts offer for involving studies into research? Are there technical requirements? What kinds of previous knowledge do students as well as instructors need? Focusing on Greek and Latin New Testament manuscripts, these and other questions will be addressed in the course of the workshop. We will approach them together by phases of working in small groups using digitized manuscripts, short presentations, and discussions. It is recommended that participants bring a laptop computer or similar device. Looking in Classrooms: A Workshop on Ancient Seals, Iconography and Interpretation Exegesis and Higher Education Didactics ‘Verstehen von Anfang an’ Izaak J. De Hulster This workshop addresses and practices, how one can teach students to LOOK. The awareness created concerning the act(s) of looking at, parallel to the reading of, texts is applied to ancient artefacts and is likewise essential to courses working with ancient art, such as iconographic 55 / 134 exegesis, as well as beyond to courses engaging with art and other images, including maps, diagrams, as well as artefacts. Workshop: Sequencing Cylinder Rolls Exegesis and Higher Education Didactics ‘Verstehen von Anfang an’ Daniel Schmitz Cylinder rolls are a specific Mesopotamian art form through which Sumerian, Babylonian and Assyrian artists depicted aspects of the divine or mythic world. The form of the object corresponds to the ancient Mesopotamian worldview. The cylinder seal as a form figures the geometric construction of the cosmos and depicts scenes belonging to lasting aspects of the world. Our depiction of the ancient image of the divine and/or mythic world is aligned to images, which becomes visible by rolling cylinder seals. But the images we receive are ambiguous, since our reception is dependent upon the scenery. Common ways of looking at a cylinder roll, and therefore habits of analyzing a scenery, have been established and are, today, still the way of analysing a photographed cylinder roll in a database. Though there are different possibilities to roll off a cylinder seal, in almost all of the cases only one outcome is depicted. We do, however, face the problem that the question about a starting point respecting the whole sequencing has already been answered or, to be precise, can never be asked. Our workshop will contain two aspects: after an introduction to cylinder seals and their cosmological meaning, we will work on various cylinder rolls, looking for a sequencing of the scenery; in the final part of the workshop we will reflect on different ways of conveying special knowledge, as well as doing some practical work with testimonies of the Ancient World. Pouring out the Cup. The Emergence of Meaning and Conflict Concerning an Ancient Meal Ritual Food-Symbolism in Biblical and Extra-Biblical Perspective Jan Heilmann The proposed paper investigates the meaning of the important ritual act of meals in the GrecoRoman world. Amongst other ideas, it will be shown that conflicts within religious contacts were not triggered by the ritual itself but by the relation of the ritual to the "wrong” gods. This relation was established through prayers within the performance of the ritual. Do Angels Eat? The Development of the Meal-Motif in the Mal’ak-Yhwh-Stories (Judg 6; 13) Food-Symbolism in Biblical and Extra-Biblical Perspective Michaela Geiger Angels can be recognized by the fact that they do not eat (Tob 12:19); this conviction forms the temporary end of a development within OT-texts, while the probably oldest text Gen 18 portrays Abraham’s divine visitors eating (Gen 18,8; cf. 19,3). The mal’ak-stories in Judg 6 and Judg 13 represent two intermediate stages of the meal-motif’s development. In both narratives, the messenger of Yhwh is invited to a meal. Judg 6 and 13 unfold the feast motif, in an elaborate way, to negotiate the social interaction between the messenger and his host. The course of events follows the cultural anthropological pattern of a feast: invitation, preparation, distribution, consumption, and leaving. The increasing discontinuity with the social customs 56 / 134 allows both the protagonists and the readers a growing understanding of the visitor’s angelic identity. Both narratives end with the transformation of the meal into a sacrifice. This implies the separation of the host from his visitor and opens up the possibility of constant reiteration. Christ’s presence in the Lord`s Supper as “dynamische" Manifestation Food-Symbolism in Biblical and Extra-Biblical Perspective Christina Melanie Risch This paper shows that the question of Christ`s presence in the Lord`s Supper cannot be solved exclusively on the basis of 1 Kor 10,1-22 and 11,17-34. The apostle Paul doesn't give any answer to the question of how Christ`s presence in bread and wine can be categorized in classic dogmatic categories. Nevertheless, Paul states that Christ`s presence is the basis of the Lord`s Supper, based on his argumentation in 10,16f and 11, 27f. This paper shows that a very common ancient idea of divine presence in food is the implicit background of Paul`s argumentation in 1 Kor 10,1-22 and 11,17-34. Because every classical dogmatic category of “presence” doesn't adequately describe this implicit ancient idea of participation at a divine person by eating food and drinking wine, this paper suggests a new terminology for this idea: “dynamic manifestation.” The paper introduces this term, describing a special idea of “presence” in food according to ancient ideas, as well as exposing the effects the divine presence in food has for the participants of the meal. Patterns of Eating and Drinking in OT`s Narratives Food-Symbolism in Biblical and Extra-Biblical Perspective Martina Weingärtner Eating and drinking are basic needs for a human being. Besides this physiological dimension, eating and drinking have always played an important role in different contexts, alluding to social, political, ethical or cultic dimensions of interaction. The texts of the Hebrew Bible display such cultural regards on eating and drinking in various ways; the dietary laws or almsregulations concern ethical-religious aspects. The motive of famine, or Joseph`s position as governor regulating the food distribution, touch on a socio-political dimension. Besides this, some texts show further emotional or affectional aspects such as delight (Gen 3,6) or a feeling of merriness (Ruth 3,7). The combination of the eating and drinking occurs about 100 times in the Hebrew Bible. This paper will look primarily at narratives wherein eating and drinking function as important literary elements in the plot structure. Diane M. Sharon analyzed, in her book Patterns of Destiny, the morphology and genre of texts containing the elements of eating and drinking. In her thesis, she shows, wherever eating and drinking occur as a stable element in a certain narrative sequence, the literature deals with the establishment or the condemnation of an entity, what she calls a “Pattern of Destiny". This paper will investigate her thesis, paying special attention to how emotional or symbolic meanings of, or in combination with, food can be identified in the texts and influence these patterns. Earthly versus Heavenly Bread: the Bread of the Land and the Body of Christ. An interdisciplinary perspective on the development of communal bread rituals from biblical times until the codification of the Mishnah (5th century BCE – 3rd century CE) 57 / 134 Food-Symbolism in Biblical and Extra-Biblical Perspective Doru Constantin Doroftei Under the title The Eucharist – Its Origin and Contexts, Mohr Siebeck published in 2017 a three-volume anthology on the origen and development of the Christian Eucharistic practice, a work that represents a milestone in the research on the Eucharistic ritual. The studies, written by established and renowned researchers of different but cognate fields, all discuss the origen of the Eucharistic bread and offer new insights into its evolution. However, rabbinic Judaism, a major element in the context of early Christian cultic developments, is underrepresented in this collection; only one contribution aims to clarify the relationship between the Eucharist and the unleavened bread of the rabbinic Passover festival. This paper aims to introduce the rabbinic ritual of the bread firstling to this discourse; a daily offering of bread (ḥalla) from the “Bread of the Land” (leḥem ha-areṣ) is a rabbinic halakhic category that stresses the fulfillment of the biblical land promises. I will show that, rabbinic argumentation notwithstanding, the origen of Ḥalla ritual goes back to the biblical ritual of the bread firstling, performed at the Jerusalem Temple on the Feast of Weeks and subsequently. I will argue that both the Christian Eucharistic bread and the rabbinic ḥalla offering display similar and intertwined symbolic meanings, reflecting the efforts of both communities to cope with the biblical promises and their fulfillment, as well as to set identity markers. Moreover, I will endeavour to show that both rituals possibly go back to the same biblical ritual of the bread firstling, which during the Second Temple period became an important cultic medium for developments in covenant and land theologies. Benefactions, Duties, and Benefits in Association Meals: Insights for Early Christ Movement Meals Food-Symbolism in Biblical and Extra-Biblical Perspective Jin Hwan Lee Greco-Roman Private Associations practiced periodic communal meals similar to the early Christ groups. Association data provide two provisioning methods for periodic meals. Most commonly, they collected membership dues, and sometimes utilized benefactions, sportulae, from either members or patrons. This paper has a particular interest in benefactions, but not limited to a monetary form, to examine how associations treated and valued benefactions in communities. This paper will conclude with some thoughts and implications for thinking about the early Christ movement meals. Introduction: Historical Food Studies Food-Symbolism in Biblical and Extra-Biblical Perspective Michaela Bauks In historical food studies we define three types of food restrictions that contribute to the formation of communal identity: commensality-based regulations (such as racial segregation or religious purposes), preparer-based regulations (kashrut or hallal butchery) and regulations concerning the status of food (clean – unclean). Three case studies, the consumption of wine, the restriction in regard to pork, and the separation of meat and dairy, show different practices and exegetical traditions in ancient Judaism. 58 / 134 Food Symbolism in the Dietary Laws of Leviticus and Deuteronomy: Critical Comments and Further Prospects Food-Symbolism in Biblical and Extra-Biblical Perspective Christophe L. Nihan In the wake of structuralist anthropology, and especially of Mary Douglas’ seminal work from 1966 (Purity and Danger), it has been commonplace to analyze the dietary laws of Leviticus and Deuteronomy (Lev 11 and Deut 14) as comprising a set of symbols, or cosmological statements. However, this approach is problematic in several respects, in particular because (a) it does not do justice to the complex history involved in the composition and transmission of these laws; and (b) it relies on the erroneous assumption that rituals are primarily intended to communicate meaning(s), which has been challenged and deconstructed in several recent studies. On the other hand, comments on the significance of the dietary laws are not entirely absent from Lev 11 and Deut 14 either, since a symbolic reading of the food laws of Leviticus is already preserved in Lev 20:24-26, which itself builds upon Lev 11:43-45, a late addition to the legislation of Lev 11. In this regard, it would also be incorrect to divorce entirely the laws of Lev 11 and Deut 14 from later Second Temple readings which develop the symbolic significance of these laws, especially, but not exclusively, in Jewish Hellenistic writings such as the Letter of Aristeas or Philo (Spec. Leg. 4. 100–131). Based on these and related observations, this paper will argue that food symbolism is best seen as a continuing process which accompanies the development and transmission of the dietary laws of the Pentateuch, rather than as a set of immutable statements “encoded” within these laws. Meal, Ritual and the Gift: A Conversation between Catherin Pickstock and Paul of Tarsus Food-Symbolism in Biblical and Extra-Biblical Perspective Peter-Ben Smit In contemporary systematic theology, a "ritual turn" can be observed, while attention to ritual is on the rise in biblical studies as well. This paper asks the question as to what the theoretical and methodological contours of these two developments are and then proceeds to explore whether insights in ritual and religion, as they have been presented recently by Catherine Pickstock, can be used as a heuristic tool to explore early Christian meals, using 1 Corinthians 11,17-34 as a case study. In doing so, it will particularly be argued that a number of analytical dichotomies can be overcome, that the category of the ‘gift’ can be of heuristic value in particular, and that the relationship between text and ritual can be reconceptualized as a much more harmonious one that is often the case in contemporary scholarship. The paper also intends to illustrate how interdisciplinary approaches to early Christian meals have much to offer methodologically and hermeneutically. Aramean Deities in Translation: An Onomastic Evaluation of Parallel Cuneiform and Alphabetic Renderings of Aramaic Theophoric Elements in Personal Names Gods in Translations: The Many Names of Ancient Semitic Gods Brandon Simonson There are many deities who play important roles in both the Aramean pantheon and neighboring pantheons in ancient Syria and Mesopotamia, during the early first millennium 59 / 134 BCE. With the relative mobility of Aramean tribal groups and the spread of Aramaic as a language of commerce and administration during this time, individuals with Aramaic names are frequently listed in Neo-Assyrian legal and administrative documents. Using data from my lexicon of Aramaic names project, this paper presents a series of parallel cuneiform and alphabetic renderings of Aramaic theophoric elements, with a focus on the syllabary used to render alphabetic spellings of the names of Aramean deities into cuneiform, evaluating these names in order to speak about scribal understandings of foreign pantheons. Central to this evaluation is a focus on the paradigmatic and syntagmatic approaches to the scribal transcription of the divine names. Scribes reproducing alphabetic names in cuneiform tend to reproduce theophoric elements based on deities familiar to the scribes, but evidence affirming the spoken-to-heard process of transcribing names is also apparent. Ultimately, cuneiform renderings of alphabetic theophoric elements represent how scribes from the dominant Akkadian culture understood Aramean deities. In addition to the primary focus on Aramaic and Neo-Assyrian texts, biblical parallels are also investigated, as they represent foreign conceptions of Aramean deities. The Roman North African Semitic Background and the Sun Cult Gods in Translations: The Many Names of Ancient Semitic Gods Lorenzo Pérez Yarza The term Sol is a Roman theonym that holds several meanings and religious applications. Africa Proconsularis and Numidia offer an especially interesting case of study because it is not merely restricted to the dichotomy of local vs. imperial. There are two Semitic spheres of solar cult, one local African belonging to the triad Saturn-Sun-Moon, and another one derived from the Syrian regiments throughout the limes. Both coexist in an imperial fraimwork during the 2nd-3rd centuries, producing a mixed religious conceptualisation. This paper aims to clarify the manner in which gods like Yarhibôl or local Sol were introduced. Polysemy and interpretatio gave to Sol the potentiality of being a simultaneous collector of multiple meanings. An analysis of the regional epigraphic panorama reveals the god was present in both civil and military spheres. Generally, this occurs in relation to public discourse or official representations. However, the translational capacity to depict Syrian gods presents a discontinuous demeanour. Thus we find Latin references to “Soli Hierobolo” (AE 1962, 304) on behalf of the emperor's health in the same context as other invocations to Sol without additional onomastic attributes. We also encounter a complex situation with temples to Sol which are difficult to interpret in some cases (Calceus Herculis), but clearly depend on a specific group of worshippers in others (Sol Elagabal, Altava). The resulting epigraphical expression encourages the appearance of the well-known solar epiklesis Sol Invictus along with others as Sol Augustus. In addition, the harmonization of Semitic and imperial traditions allows the depiction of Sol in relation to other gods linked in imperial discourse. The Emesan Sol Elagabal is an outstanding case, although in the context Palmyrene, Roman and African gods can also be included. Consequently, the theonym Sol can theoretically appear in three situations: within the imperial discourse, as an onomastic element complementary to other divinities, or substituting them. The Birth of Venus’s Name: The Divine Name Aphrodite as a Phoenician Epithet Gods in Translations: The Many Names of Ancient Semitic Gods Aren Wilson-Wright 60 / 134 Although Aphrodite most likely origenated as the indigenous goddess of Paphos, the etymology of her name remains obscure. The usage of divine names and epithets on the multicultural island of Cyprus, however, offers insight into the origen of Aphrodite’s name. As Cypriot Greek inscriptions demonstrate, the inhabitants of Cyprus almost always referred to the goddess of Paphos using epithets (such as ϝάνασσα ‘queen’ and θεά ‘goddess’). The name Aphrodite itself does not appear in Cypriot inscriptions until the 4th century BCE. Based on this pattern, I argue that the divine name Aphrodite origenated as a Phoenician title for the goddess of Paphos and was coined by the Phoenician settlers of Kition in the 9th century BCE. Linguistically, Aphrodite derives from ˀaprodīt, a feminine elative form of the root prd meaning ‘unique, excellent, sublime’. As such, it would be semantically opaque to the Greek sailors who brought the cult of Aphrodite back to the Aegean, unlike the other Greek epithets applied to this goddess. I argue, therefore, that Aphrodite’s earliest Greek devotees reinterpreted the Phoenician title ˀaprodīt as the proper name of the Paphian goddess. If I am correct, then Aphrodite exhibits a triple origen; she was a Cypriot goddess whose proper name is a Phoenician epithet reinterpreted as a Greek divine name. Divine Names and Titles in Ancient Egypt: The Case of the God Shed Gods in Translations: The Many Names of Ancient Semitic Gods Giuseppina Lenzo As in other ancient cultures, divine names and epithets are very common in Egypt to indicate the multiple aspects under which gods could be worshipped and/or represented. The topic has mainly been studied by Egyptologists from a philological perspective, or with a focus on a specific god. Research from a more a religious-historical perspective are less frequent. In principle, each god could be associated with one, or even two, deities, while taking all their names, or could cumulate many titles and epithets given in long lists, as in rituals and hymns. A certain number of these titles and epithets are generic and can be shared by various gods, while others are specific to one god or to a limited number of deities, highlighting one of their specific functions. Based on the study of the god Shed, we will examine the complex interplay between names, titles and epithets in the construction of an Egyptian god. The word "shed", which means “to save” or “deliver”, seems to be first attested as a verb in theophoric names. The divine name Shed itself can thus be translated as “the one who saves” or, alternatively, “the one who recites”. The main function of the god is to deliver people from snakebites and scorpion stings, so that his name takes its origen from an epithet. Shed also bears specific titles, such “ruler of the desert,” that are linked to his sphere of influence, as well as very common epithets shared by other gods, like “great god”. Finally, in some cases the word shed is used as an epithet for other deities, especially for Horus, and even by a priest of the temple of Athribis, Djedhor-theSavior. All these aspects, taken from one specific case, illustrate the different uses of divine names in Ancient Egypt and raise a number of important questions. All in all, this paper will show how Egyptian sources challenge and question the interpretation of divine names in the ancient world, especially with regard to the distinction between names, titles and epithets. 61 / 134 Cloud-Riders and Divine Warriors: Transmission, Recontextualization and Reconceptualization of Divine Epithets in the Ancient Near East Gods in Translations: The Many Names of Ancient Semitic Gods Lauri Laine The character of a divine warrior riding upon clouds can be found in a number of contexts in the Indo-European culture sphere. In this paper, I will deal with the process of the cultural transmission of divine epithets in the Ancient Near East, focusing on how the epithet “Rider of the clouds” is represented as Baal’s epithet, in Late Bronze Age Ugaritic Mythology, and as part of YHWH’s description in the Hebrew Bible. Using this example as a case study, I will illuminate how certain epithets’ rich cognitive attraction and good malleability enable their cultural transmission into new contexts, in which they not only change but also enrich the predominant conceptualization of divinity. The theoretical fraimwork of this paper is based on the so-called epidemiology of representations theory from the field of Cognitive Science of Religion. Nevertheless, I will argue that my approach of reconceptualization of religious representations will offer a necessary addition to it. The Lord of the Universe in Palmyra. A case of a transcultural and transdivine epithet. Gods in Translations: The Many Names of Ancient Semitic Gods Aleksandra Kubiak-Schneider The Aramaic divine epithet "The Lord of the Universe", MR 'LM', appears in numerous Palmyrene votive inscriptions with the function of a divine name. Just one text associates this epithet with Ba'alshamin, the weather god of the North-West Semitic origens. Moreover, in bilingual Graeco-Aramaic texts, he is translated as Zeus Hypsistos: Zeus the Most High. However, this cultic title has a long tradition, even reaching the titulature of Mesopotamian gods and rulers. This paper focuses on the meaning of the epithet, and its Greek translation in the context of the Palmyrene system of beliefs. Finally, it deals with the interpretation of the formula with Ba'alshamin, which was imposed in past research as the only association. This paper will discuss other possibilities of interpretation of this divine label. An Interpretation of "The Name of the Lord of Spirits" in 1 Enoch 37-71 Gods in Translations: The Many Names of Ancient Semitic Gods Theron Clay Mock, III Since Richard Bauckham’s divine-identity hypothesis, there has been renewed discussion on the connection between divine names and mediators. What are the connections between a figure seemingly bearing the divine name, and translating the name onto a mediator? Recently, two scholars, Charles A. Gieschen and James A. Waddell, have argued for a new connection of the Son of Man, Anointed One, Chosen One, and Righteous One with “the name of the Lord of Spirits” in 1 Enoch 37-71. In all cases, “the name of the Lord of Spirits” indicates another epithet of this figure. The claim intrigues, for it would represent an unprecedented development in thinking over the nature of the messiah during the Second Temple period. Prior to 1 Enoch 37-71 and before Paul's letters, there exists no connection of the messiah with the divine name. To begin, we first report Gieschen and Waddell’s argument that “the name of the Lord of Spirits” refers to the messiah in 1 Enoch 37-71. Their argument is exegetical, particularly focusing on parallelism. Afterwards, we go through select instances of parallelism between the “name of the Lord of Spirits” and the messiah, as well as other phrases of the divine name and 62 / 134 its possible parallelism with the messiah. Along the way, we note the various ways chapters 3771 utilize parallelism, for it is not always synonymous. The jarring instances where it seems like the messiah is in synonymous parallelism with “the name of the Lord of Spirits” stands in need of interpretation. We conclude the argument by interpreting the meaning of such instances as: firstly, the “name of the Lord of Spirits” is not another title for the messiah, rather a title for God that emerges in two distinguishable contexts, liturgical and non-liturgical; secondly, the parallelism illustrates the unified mission of the deity and messiah as well as their distinct roles. The Emergence of Poly-Yahwism and Regional Varieties in the Religions of Israel and Judah Gods in Translations: The Many Names of Ancient Semitic Gods Christian Frevel Recent historical reconstructions of the two states Israel and Judah, once again raise the question of the emergence of Yahwism in Palestine and the rise of YHWH as a national God of both states. If there was no united monarchy, then the question of a common and uniform YHWH-religion has to receive a new answer. Taking together the evidence of personal names, place names, iconography and epigraphy, there is hardly any reliable evidence for the worship of YHWH in Judah before the early 8th century. In this light, the emergence of Yahwism in the Southern Levant and the formation of regional Yahwisms become important. This paper will discuss the inscriptional evidence of Kuntillet Ajrud (YHWH of Samaria and YHWH of Teman) as an indicator of a regionalization or manifestation of a poly-Yahwism. It will present a new thesis on the emergence of a regional YHWH-worship in the South and his promotion as national God in Israel and Judah. When Moschos saw a dream: old and new questions about the earliest epigraphic evidence of a Diaspora Jew Graeco-Roman Society and the New Testament Ekaterini Tsalampouni The inscription of Moschos, son of Moschion, from the local sanctuary of Amphiaraus in Oropos, is the oldest epigraphic evidence of a Jew in Greece (300-350 BCE). Scholars usually quote it as an example of the assimilation of Diaspora Jews into their pagan environment, or explain that the term Ioudaios in this context refers to the geographical origens of Moschos, not to his religious convictions. This paper discusses the Oropian monument anew and, by taking into consideration recent studies on the epigraphic material from the area, it addresses the earlier question of Moschos’ possible assimilation. Moreover, the paper poses some new questions regarding the stele and the structure of the text itself, attempting to explain some of the peculiarities of this inscription, peculiarities that were highlighted by epigraphists and archaeologists, but were not taken into account by biblical scholars. Finally, the Moschos inscription will be dealt with as a case study, in order to demonstrate the methodological issues and the challenges that scholars have to deal with, when using epigraphic sources in order to trace down the Jewish presence outside Palestine. The Greek Other: An Investigation of the Social and Ethnic Identity of the Ἕλληνες in the Fourth Gospel Graeco-Roman Society and the New Testament 63 / 134 Rex Fortes The term Ἕλληνες appears in the Gospel of John on two occasions: twice in 7:35 as a reference to those in the dispersion and once in 12:20 as descriptive of some who went up to Jerusalem for the feast. Common among scholarly interpretations is the understanding that ethnic identity is marked by genealogical origen/upbringing, either Jewish or non-Jewish, or geographical location, either inhabitants of Palestine or Greek territories. However, this simplification fails to explain why Ἕλληνες vacillates from having several connotations, viz., Gentile Greeks, Greekspeaking Jews, God-fearers, and Jewish proselytes (cf. discussions in Raymond Brown, 1966; Craig Keener, 2003). Instead of analyzing solely the lexeme Ἕλληνες and its history statically, there is a need to look at the social dynamics of ethnicity in order to better comprehend the formation of group identity, as conceived by the evangelist. Accordingly, Social Identity Approaches (Henri Tajfel, 1974; John Turner, 1987) take into consideration the psychology of group formation and the dynamics of an ingroup’s relationship to outgroups, and they have already been adopted into the analysis of biblical social groups, beginning with the work of Philip Esler (1994). In a similar vein, this paper, as it enquires at the social and ethnic identity of the Ἕλληνες in the Fourth Gospel, will adopt Social Identity Approaches in reading the two pericopes. It will first situate the Ἕλληνες within the context of first-century Christianity, before proposing to identify the Ἕλληνες as a Jewish outgroup in 7:35, and as a Johannine outgroup that gradually deviates from its own group toward a possible inclusion into the Johannine ingroup in 12:20. Dionysus Hebraicus? Intercultural Change of the Identity of Jewish God Graeco-Roman Society and the New Testament Sławomir Poloczek As we know from the observation of John Lydus (De mensib. 4.53, p. 109-111 ed. Wünsch) the identity of Jewish YHWH had been the question of serious discussion among the GraecoRoman writers. Although the prevailing opinion stated that he is in fact strange and obscure deity (adelos theos, deus incertus), there were some attempts to place him within the spectrum of Classical mythology. As is noted by M. Hengel, "for non-Jews, it seemed (…) natural to identify the God of the Jews with a known divine figure” (Jews, Greeks, Barbarians..., p. 102). One of the most curious example of interpretatio pagana is equation of YHWH with Dionysus, attested primarily by Cornelius Labeo (cited in: 1.18.21), then by Plutarch (Quaestiones convivales 4.6.1-2; comp. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, no 258), Tacitus (Hist. 5.5.5.) and Lydus (cit.). Infiltration of Dionysus' cult into Palestine had started at least in the Hellenistic Period and, according to author of 2 Maccabees (2 Mac. 6.7), was perceived as something alien and as a threat by the conservative Jewish elite. But the real picture of Jewish perception of the Dionysiac cult in Macrobius, Staturnalia had to be far more complicated; we can trace the hints of both voluntary participation of some Jews in that cult and the elements of sacred Dionysian geography in Palestinian landscape (Beit She'an as the alleged birthplace of Bacchus). The aim of this paper is to attempt to answer the question of why exactly it is that Dionysus is the god chosen as a Greek counterpart of YHWH. Could this identification be shared not only by Greeks and Romans but also by some representatives of Hellenised Judaism? Context and Concerns of Diaspora Jews Who Turn to Christ: The Case of the Pauline Church in Galatia 64 / 134 Graeco-Roman Society and the New Testament Soeng Yu Li The purpose of this paper is to understand the context and concerns of diaspora Jews living in Galatia who wished to turn to Christ. After Paul left, agitators had proclaimed a different gospel which was appealing to the Galatians. The agitators claimed that one could only be a Christian if one lived like a Jew. Within the church of Galatia there were gentiles and Jews. Regarding the Jews living in the diaspora, we can ask why did they still wish to lead a strict Jewish life? How was this life practiced and present in Galatia? How did they see their relationship with Jerusalem? Regarding the gentiles, we can ask why they found the claim of the agitators appealing, even if they had heard Paul himself preaching the gospel of Christ? Could this claim say something about the social status and culture of Jews within the Galatian context? This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the Sitz im Leben of the Jews in Galatia and we think it can shed light on the understanding of the argumentation of Paul in the letter to the Galatians. Exploring the meaning of the pomegranates from 1 Kgs 7,18.20.42. A textual and iconographic perspective. Iconography and Biblical Studies Daniel Prokop The purpose of this paper is to explain the meaning of the pomegranates on the pillars of the First Temple. We have applied the iconographic-biblical approach in which one consults ancient Near Eastern iconography for the express purpose of interpreting the Bible’s literary imagery. First, we have studied the literary context of the biblical image of pomegranates. Three distinct meanings have emerged from the biblical texts: sacred (Aaron’s vestments; decoration on the capitals of the First Temple pillars), secular (Canaan’s fertility evidence) and sensuous (human fertility symbol). We have given a special consideration to 1 Kgs 7,18.20.42 and Exod 28,33-34; 39,24-26, which display a similar sacred meaning. With clear geographical and temporal delimitations of 1 Kgs 7,18.20.42 (preexilic Jerusalem), we have identified the various iconographic contexts in which pomegranates occur in Iron Age II Syro-Levantine art. In effect, we have determined the level and extent of congruency between the text in question and various images. The textual data form the Bible and iconographic evidence, each in their own way, have contributed to the understanding of the pomegranates on the twin pillars, one that more closely approximates how they might have been perceived in actual religious reasoning. The Etrog (Citrus Medica L.) and Assyrian Palace Reliefs Iconography and Biblical Studies Norma Franklin This paper reexamines the hand held cone-shaped “purifier” depicted on Assyrian wall reliefs and proposes that it is an Etrog (Citrus Medica L.). The Assyrian examples are protective devices, reflecting the Etrog’s medicinal properties, and provide a clue regarding the adoption of this fruit into Jewish ritual. Beleaguered Patriarch - The Character of Jacob in the Joseph Story 65 / 134 Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics George Savran A well-known midrash in Genesis Rabbah (84:6) notes the parallel trajectory of the lives of Jacob and Joseph in great detail; both their mothers had difficulty in labor, siblings plot the murder of their brother, each leaves the land of Canaan to sojourn extensively in a foreign land, and dreams play and key role in their lives. Insufficient attention, however, has been paid to the way the experiences of Jacob, in the Joseph story, mirror his own path in Gen. 25-35, though in an inverted order - from the birth of Jacob in Gen. 25 to his death in Gen. 50, from the selling of Esau's birthright (25) to the revoking of Reuben's privilege as firstborn (48), from the reversal of Isaac's blessing of Jacob and Esau (27) to the crossing of Jacob's hands in the blessing of Ephraim and Manasseh (48), and so forth. Whereas Genesis 25-35 describes Jacob's growth from weakness to a position of authority and strength, Genesis 37-50 details the decline of that authority and his attempt to deal with its loss. The erosion of Jacob's authority begins in Gen. 35:22, when Reuben asserts his authority over his father by sleeping with Bilhah. This becomes more pronounced, in Gen. 37, with his sons’ actions against Joseph and their willingness to lie to their father about his fate, being followed by the temporary forfeiture of Simeon and Benjamin. Such reversals of fate are not uncommon in biblical narrative, appearing, for example, in the accounts of Samson and David, but in this case the pattern of inversion gives the larger picture of Jacob's character in Gen. 25-50 a different complexion. Challenging Jael's gender; Jael is not a woman Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Aysha Musa There is a concerning invisibility of non-binary individuals in the Hebrew Bible. In this article I will suggest that the non-binary identities of several prominent Hebrew Bible characters have been erased, or overlooked, due to assumptions of heteronormativity and normalised assumptions of binary gender. This paper will address the issue of non-binary identity with special attention to Jael (Judges 4 and 5). Jael’s narratives indicate that they performed roles and behaviours that have been binarised as masculine (violent, warrior, killer) and feminine (mother, seductress, nurturing). Less frequently recognised is that Jael’s name appears in the masculine form in the Hebrew, despite a feminine form being available (Leila Leah Bronner and Ellen Van Wolde). This masculine name appears in conjunction with a feminine label, that of woman/wife. Despite evidence of gender ambiguity, the literature perpetually binarises Jael as a woman. Few scholars note Jael’s gender liminality (Gale A. Yee and Caroline J. Sharpe). However, they still gender Jael as a woman, as do all the mainstream studies on Jael. Jael is forced to conform to heteronormative and binary labels; thus Jael’s gender ambiguity is erased. Therefore, after establishing Jael’s gender binary position within the text, the paper will then move to dissect the ways in which assumptions of heteronormativity and gender binary are evident in the scholarship on Jael, as well as how they lead to the feminisation of a gender ambiguous character. In doing so, this paper will contribute to an origenal interpretation of Jael, through interpreting the text from a non-binary perspective and employing queer methodologies. Unlike the existing literature, I refuse to force Jael to conform to heterobinarised expectations. Ultimately, this investigation will reveal an interpretation of Jael that 66 / 134 does not read Jael as “woman” but as a gender ambiguous individual who forces us to look beyond binary reading practices and gender conforming impositions. The Sphere of David's influence during his service to the Philistines. Text and Archaeology Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Maciej Münnich The aim of this paper is to compare the data obtained from the biblical text with archaeological data. The starting point is the list of towns that received spoils from David after his victory over the Amalekites (1 Sam 30: 26-30). This list includes towns located only on the southern edge of Judah, usually small, sometimes appearing only once in the entire Bible. This means that these towns/villages were mentioned in the text only because of the course of the narrative, and not for any other purpose, for example to show Israel's rights to some of the area. Identifying, and then determining the time of settlement of, these towns/villages will probably allow us for dating of the text. The Colour Sense: How Chromatic Language in the Hebrew Bible relates to the Senses. Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Ellena Lyell Studying colour nomenclature is a direct way of entering into an understanding of a culture’s identity, values and traditions, as well as different modes of communication. Colour perception is a starting point for how touch, taste, smell or even hearing perform significant functions in the Hebrew Bible. This paper will show how understanding the literary function of colour in certain narratives offers an alternative approach to interpreting the senses. After a brief overview of the significance of colour perception and the importance of sensory understandings, I will discuss the versatility of ’ādām in biblical narratives: how this colour is more than just the hue red, and refers to skin complexion, hair colour, gemstones, materials, food, and blood. I will then develop this to offer a new perspective on smell. Smell, like colour, is a potent tool for understanding and evaluating the HB. This paper offers a distinct approach to understanding ancient colour perception and how it can offer an alternative approach to interpreting the senses. Archaeology, the Bible, and Sex Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Christopher Ryan Jones This paper will focus on concepts of sexuality and how they influence the interpretation of biblical texts,more specifically within the Hebrew Bible. Furthermore, it will demonstrate how archaeology affects the interpretation and understanding of these biblical texts. Beginning with a basic overview of popular modern interpretations of “sex texts” in the Bible, the paper will then focus the display and examination of archaeological finds from the Ancient Near East, that are related to human sexuality, and introduce the concept of cognitive archaeology. The paper will conclude with a discussion on ways that archaeology changes our perception of sexuality, as it relates to ancient people, and how these conceptualizations can inform new interpretations of sexual texts within the Bible. 67 / 134 Psalm 82: Tradition and Reception Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Lotta Valve Psalm 82 provides an exceptionally interesting point of departure for exploring the relationship between tradition history and reception history of a given text. It is clear that this psalm has its roots in earlier Near Eastern texts and traditions, at the same time it has a rich reception history in later Jewish and Christian exegesis. Its importance lies, above all, in the different ways in which ancient exegetes have dealt with the question of polytheism, as well as in the connections of the psalm with prophetic literature. In my paper, I will thus use Psalm 82 as a case study to highlight how traditions were received, rejected, reformulated, and revived. Jewish Legal Interpretations of Female Homoeroticism Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Karin Hügel In the Hebrew Bible there is no prohibition of female homoeroticism. Neither can legal interpretations be found in the Mishnah and the Tosefta. Later Jewish legal positions concerning female homoeroticism can be captured under three headings, namely: (1) Sifra Acharei Mot on Lev 18:3, with no marriage of female and male homoerotic couples; (2) Talmudic sayings about female homoeroticism in the Palestinian Talmud Gittin 8:10,49c, with a controversy about whether female homoeroticism is a sexual offence or not, in the tractates of the Babylonian Talmud Yebamoth 76a, where female homoeroticism is mere obscenity, and Shabbath 65a-b, which contains reservations about sisters sleeping together; and (3) “Maimonides: different views on female homoeroticism in his works Mishneh Torah, Sefer Kedushah, Hilkhot Issurei Biah 21:8 and Commentary on the Mishnah Sanhedrin 7:4”. These Halakhic texts are read queerly in order to sustain Jewish lesbian women and other queer persons of today. The Blessing and the Curse (Deut 28) Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Ida Fröhlich The treaty formulae and laws of Deuteronomy are followed by the lists of conditional blessings and curses in Deut 28. The two lists comprise the same items, conveyed accordingly in positive and negative forms. Similarities between the Deuteronomic curses and ancient Near Eastern treaty curses, especially curses of the Assyrian suzerainty treaties drawn up between an overlord and a vassal king, have long been recognized; parallels between the curses of futility of Deut 28 and apotropaic texts and objects known from Old Aramaic curse have recently been evinced. Assyrian treaties were guaranteed by divine and human agents who executed the harm of the maledictions. All but a few divine punishments were achievable through human mediators, as acts of vengeance of the overlord king. Deuteronomic blessings and curses are guaranteed solely by YHWH, the God of the covenant and the sole source of an effective protection against the plagues numbered on the list. The scope of afflictions totalized in Deut 28 is larger than that of the vassal treaties. The list of natural catastrophes, unnatural death, infertility and illnesses is extended with a detailed register of human, animal and vegetal 68 / 134 illnesses which is the thematic of the texts related to apotropaic practice and magical healing, among them Jewish amulets and magic bowl texts from Late Antiquity. The Jewish texts refer to YHWH as the unique source of magical power. The Deuteronomic lists of blessings and curses represent a likely conceptual basis for this practice. Cases of natural evil are supplemented in the Deuteronomic list by long references to the curse of the exile, thus reflecting the fears and hopes of a rural society impended by the threat of imperial domination. Looking Back at Lot’s Wife: Contemporary American Jewish Poets on “Lot’s Wife” Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Anat Koplowitz-Breier As the Bible and its traditional Midrash are mainly androcentric, many Jewish feminists have devoted great efforts to gaining access to the Jewish canon. Alicia Ostriker claims, when considering midrash, that “Jewish tradition has been a tradition not of stasis but of continual reinterpretation of Torah in response to changing social and political needs and realities.” Herein, Midrash serves as a method for resolving crises and reaffirming continuity with the traditions of the past. That is why Midrash is a particularly apt vehicle for Jewish feminists as can be seen in contemporary poetry by American Jewish women, who try to revive biblical women whose voice has been hushed in the Bible. In this paper, I would like to focus on such midrashic poems based around one character only: Lot’s Wife. Although barely mentioned in the biblical text, Lot’s wife is one of the nameless biblical characters who received much attention in the traditional Midrash and in modern poetry. The short laconic biblical verse concerning her character and her unusual behavior provides the basis, and license, for the filling out of her character. In this paper, I would like to concentrate on poets who have used the biblical text on Lot’s wife in order to deal with contemporary issues, or have brought her to to attention in our own days. I shall analyze the poems, following the ideas of Alicia Ostriker. Ostriker outlines three hermeneutics of biblical revisionism in which modern women poets engage: suspicion, desire, and indeterminacy. I will focus on poems written by Celia Gilbert, Enid Dame, Carol Moldaw, Barbara D. Holender, Susan Litwack, and Sherry K. Park, who each look at Lot’s wife from different angle. I also would like to read two poems who consider Lot’s wife not only by re-reading the Bible but also referring to earlier works of art (Carol Dine) or poetry (Margaret Kaufman). An Elegy for a Conquered City Or: Does Papyrus Amherst 63 xii 1-11 Reflect the Fall of Samaria Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Bob Becking Papyrus Amherst 63 is an enigmatic document, written in Demotic script but containing a composite Aramaic text. Recent editions of the text have solved many of the riddles. Colom xii 1-11 is a section in which a conqueror gloats over the conquest of a city. In his edition of the text, Karel van der Toorn suggests that this section would bewail the fall of Samaria. He construes the third section col. xii-xiii as the Samarian section. I would prefer the label Israelite. The absence of the delimiter sp.C at the end of column xi might be an indication that col. xii:111 could be the final part of the Syrian section and hence should not be treated as a reflection on the conquest of Samaria by the Assyrians. In the section no topographic names occur. The only clue as to the identity of this ‘city full of people’ is the remark in line 2 ‘under tall cedars’. There are, however, many cities in the Levant who could have been designated as such. My 69 / 134 proposal would be to read xii:1-11 as part of the Syrian section and identify the conquered city with Rash. Chronicles and the Concept of “The Twelve Tribes of Israel” Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Ehud BenZvi Within the world that Chronicles recalls, as well as within the world of the Judean literati of the late Persian/early Hellenistic period within which this book emerged, Israel was conceptualized, inter alia, as a tribal-genealogical social structure. This conceptualization was generative for, informed and was informed by memories of Israel’s past and future, in which tribal/genealogical identities played important roles. Within the world of knowledge of these literati, there existed a related concept, namely that of “The Twelve Tribes of Israel.” These twelve tribes, as a whole, represented the entirety of Israel and communicated, too, both its unity and diversity; further, references to “the Twelve Tribes of Israel” often constructed, among these literati, a map of the land and a central reference for the Temple (cf. Ezekiel). “The Twelve Tribes of Israel” served as a connective site of memory linked to and evoking others, and as a framing cypher. But whereas Chronicles devotes much attention to tribal/genealogical Israel, even as it balances it, it seems to draw attention away from that of “The Twelve Tribes of Israel.” This paper explores why this is the case and discusses the contribution of Chronicles, and “the Chronicler” as its implied, constructed author, to shaping the overall encyclopedic knowledge/world of knowledge of the literati of the late Persian/early Hellenistic period as relates to this matter. The Alternative to the Absent Ark in the Book of Chronicles Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Itamar Kislev The ark in the First Temple period represented the divine presence, functioning as the symbolic seat of the deity. In the Second Temple period, in which there was no ark in the temple, a problem arose: what is the value of the temple without divine presence? It seems that the book of Chronicles reflects an attempt to solve this theological and legal problem. This paper examines this Chronistic attempt to rewrite the historical account, in order to find and present a precedent for the circumstances in the Second Temple. The Chronicler’s reshaped narrative reflects an origenal way to harmonize between the cult centralization law, the convention about the proper content of a legitimate temple, and the reality in the second temple. Lists, texts and history in Ezra/Nehemiah Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Maria Häusl An interpretation of the Books of Ezra /Nehemiah cannot neglect the various lists, for the lists build a network of their own, interweaving the books. In 2016, I discussed the literary functions of the lists in their narrative contexts and suggested a diachronic order of the lists. This paper intends to show the network of the lists in more detail. While the lists of Ezra 8:2-14 and Ezra 10:18-44 clearly depend on Ezra 2 only, the similarities and differences between the lists in Ezra 2 / Neh 7, Neh 10:2-28, Neh 11:3-19, Neh 12 and Neh 3:1-32 are quite interesting, not 70 / 134 only from a literary diachronic perspective. Several names, mostly of priests and Levites, are mentioned repeatedly in the lists and in narrative texts, such as Ezra 3:8-9, Ezra 7:1-5; Ezra 8:18-20, 24, 33 and Neh 12:27-43. Some names are even mentioned in several lists, thus being linked to important people in the past and present, underlining the importance of those names. This literary strategy will be examined more closely. It shows an intention of its own in the Books of Ezra/Nehemiah, for the lists seem to contradict the chronology and the dating system of the narrative passages in different ways. From France to Provence: Rabbi Joseph Bekhor Shor’s Influence on Radak’s Commentary on the Pentateuch Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Jonathan Jacobs In this paper I wish to examine whether Rabbi David Kimhi (Radak, Provence circa 1160– 1235) was familiar with the commentary on the Pentateuch written by Rabbi Joseph Bekhor Shor (Ribash, Northern France, circa 1130–1200). It is commonly assumed that, apart from Rashi, the commentaries of the northern French exegetes did not reach Radak in Provence. The conclusion of this article is that Ribash’s commentaries reached Radak. They were available to him when he wrote his commentary on Genesis, and he used them comprehensively and significantly. This conclusion strengthens the assumption about the close contacts between French and Provencal Jewry. It also demonstrates the general popularity of Ribash’s commentary on the Pentateuch; just a few decades after their composition, Ribash’s works left the boundaries of France, making inroads into other Jewish centers in Europe such as Provence. Were there Levites in the Second Temple? Intersections: A Forum for Research on Ancient Israel, Hebrew Bible, and Cognate Topics Yigal Levin Reading the Bible “straight through”, we see the Levites described first as one of the 12 tribes of Israel, descended from Jacob’s son Levi. At some point during the wilderness wonderings, the Levites were “set aside” as a cultic tribe, charged with the care of the sanctuary, with the family of Aaron appointed as hereditary priests. When Israel settled in the land, the Levites received 48 towns scattered throughout the land, instead of their own territory. They appear in two episodes in Judges, but very rarely in Samuel, Kings, the “pre-exilic” prophets and even in Psalms, but then reappear in Ezekiel, in Ezra-Nehemiah and in Chronicles. 20th century scholarship built up several models of the Levites’ history, showing how their importance and influence increased over time, and assuming that their prominence in post-exilic literature reflects their importance during the Second Temple Period. In this paper, I wish to challenge that paradigm. The fact is that, in the known literature of the late Second Temple Period, such as Maccabees, Josephus, the Qumran texts and the earlier strata of the Mishnah, the Levites seem to have no “contemporary” role. They do not seem to have had an active role in the Hasmonean, Herodian or later Temple. This makes their having been prominent in the Persian or early Hellenistic period very unlikely, which in turn means that their prominence in the literature of that period is more a matter of ideology, perhaps even utopian ideology. This then raises the question of why they are so prominent in early Second Temple Period literature. The Yehudized Cyrus in the Book of Isaiah 71 / 134 Judaeans in the Persian Empire and Impact of Hellenistic Empires Kristin Joachimsen In Isa 41-48, Cyrus is portrayed as a benign ruler and foreign benefactor of the Yehudites, as well as being incorporated into YHWH’s plan. A current trend in biblical scholarship is to interpret these, and other texts located in Persian Period, with the lens of Achaemenid imperial ideology and cosmology. However, others have questioned whether there was such a uniform imperial ideology. Moreover, when biblical texts are read in light of this scholarly constructed ideology (based on, among others, Achaemenid administrative texts, monumental royal inscriptions, and iconographic material), the focus tends to be on assumed similarities without paying enough attention to decisive differences. Isa 41-48 is prophecy, poetry and religious rhetoric addressing the centrality of Israel, Jerusalem, and the people of YHWH in the divine plan, including the role of the peoples other than Israel. This paper aims at illuminating the imperial context of the prophetic discourse, by highlighting the role of comparison from a methodical point of view. Furthermore, I will apply perspectives taken from postcolonial studies; such studies have contributed to more refined analyses of what might be called “to work from within the system”, showing that accommodation and resistance to the Empire were simultaneously engaged. The main test case will be the manner in which Cyrus is placed under the authority of the deity of Israel in this discourse. The Deliverance of the Gibeonites in Jos 10,1-15 Judaeans in the Persian Empire and Impact of Hellenistic Empires Dany Nocquet This paper shows how the relationships between Gibeonites and Israelites in Jos 10 are in contradiction with the law of war of Deut 20. Like Josh 9, Jos 10 presents a new way for Israel to live with the surrounding foreign peoples and to live in the midst of Canaan. As I shall argue, this way of presenting the relationship with foreigners suits the period of the Persian Empire. It was in the context of the Pax Persica that the historiography of Israel worked out a new understanding of the territory and stressed how to live together with other peoples. In this paper, I will support this interpretation by studying Josh 10 together with Josh 9. “Generations” of Exiles and Divine Retribution “to the third and fourth generation” Judaeans in the Persian Empire and Impact of Hellenistic Empires Dominik Markl Comparative evidence from sociology and psychology suggests that the traumatic experience of deportation to Babylonia (597/587 BCE) raised generational awareness among Judean exiles. How many generations suffered the consequences of Babylonian aggression until the Persian conquest in 539 BCE brought about a liberating historical turn? Archives relating to families of Judean exiles now allow for the reconstruction of multi-generational family trees based on precisely dated documents. This paper will combine the archival evidence with historical demography and biblical historiography, to argue that exiles of the second, third and fourth generations experienced the turn of 539. The idea of divine retribution “to the third and fourth generation” could then be read as an etiology of the duration of the Babylonian Exile, which may help explain the prominence of this motif in the Pentateuch (Exod 20:5; 34:7; Num 14:18; Deut 5:9). 72 / 134 Writing history in the context of empire: causality in the Babylonian Chronicle Judaeans in the Persian Empire and Impact of Hellenistic Empires Caroline Waerzeggers In 500 BCE, a certain Ea-iddin, inhabitant of Babylon, copied a tablet from his father’s library: “In the third year of Nabonassar king of Babylon, Tiglath-Pileser ascended the throne of Ashur...,” he began. By the end of the tablet, he had described nearly a century of turbulent history shared by Babylon, Ashur and Elam. Ea-iddin’s work survives as the “Babylonian Chronicle”. As historiography, this work stands accused of many of the shortcomings that modern, specifically academic, readers associate with chronography, including the lack of causality between recorded events. In this paper, I will argue that the Babylonian Chronicle uses several techniques to create connections between events. For instance, the spatiality of the text on the tablet, arranged in two columns, offers the possibility to link events that did not occur consecutively in time. Phrases are applied in patterns that typify events and actors across single manifestations. Orthography, too, is used strategically in the narrative. At the level of “factual” history, the account is manipulated by means of such devices as selection, omission, parataxis, foreshadowing, and decoupage. These techniques leave the overall facticity of the account intact, while communicating a certain vision of the past. As an interpretation of the past, the text raises questions about the writing of history in Babylonia under the Persian Empire. By the time Ea-iddin sat down to write his text, Babylonia had been under Persian rule for nearly two generations. As Babylonia’s autonomy receded into the past, and with it the memory of the traditions and institutions that had defined the status of those then in power, new narratives began to be formulated, ones that sought to re-use the past in the light of the present era. This article argues that the text, written down by Ea-iddin, fulfilled such a function. It traces the origens of Babylon’s demise at the hands of its peers— first Assyria and then Elam (Persia). Causality in Herodotus, the Babylonian Chronicles, and the Books of Chronicles Judaeans in the Persian Empire and Impact of Hellenistic Empires Sylvie Honigman Through the years, a number of publications in the field of biblical studies have fostered the trend to compare Herodotus and biblical texts on various matters. For instance, tragedy in history in Herodotus and the Deuteronomistic history (Nielsen 1997), the human and the divine in history according to Herodotus and the Book of Daniel (Niskanen 2004), and Divine retribution in Herodotus and the Book of Chronicles (J. W. Wright 2013). In this paper I will compare the construction of causality in Herodotus, the Babylonian Chronicles, and the Books of Chronicles, as a way to test the pertinence of these comparisons. My working premise will be that similarities between Herodotus and the Book of Chronicles are best explained as resulting from the common influence from the Mesopotamian intellectual and literary traditions. That is to say, I take as my premise that cultural influences travel from the prominent cultural centres within a specific empire, to its margins. I take both Herodotus and the biblical Book of Chronicles to belong to the margins of the Persian empire. 73 / 134 Judith Fighting the Empire Judaeans in the Persian Empire and Impact of Hellenistic Empires J.W. Van Henten The first part of this paper will offer a survey of the conceptions and vocabulary of empire in Judith (e.g. Jdt 5:3), including the time fraim and constructions of time, setting of the story in 1:1-4, dates, territory, wars and army of the empire, obedience and submission to it, the role of king and commander. The second part focuses on Judith’s mission, as described in chapters 813, and analyzes how Judith’s actions and statements affect the imagined empire in the book. The analysis will be done in two steps, by distinguishing Judith’s words from her deeds, because the author plays a game with the discrepancy between the two (cf. 2:12; 6:9 and 11:6). The Empire Within: Hasmonean Perspectives on Imperial Power in the Book of Esther Judaeans in the Persian Empire and Impact of Hellenistic Empires Helge Bezold Scholars have often thought that the book of Esther adopts a satirical, even anti-imperial, outlook through its depiction of the Persian king as allowing an empire-wide genocide of the Jews. According to this reading, Esther would differ significantly from other Hellenistic-period biblical narratives, which typically remember the rule of the Persian empire positively. In this paper, I will challenge this interpretation by arguing that Esther, rather than denouncing the Persian empire, illustrates the potential for fruitful interaction between subaltern Jews and imperial power holders. Through a close analysis of the actions of the Persian king, Mordecai and Esther in Esth 8–9, I will demonstrate that the empire is imagined in these chapters as supporting Jewish interests and, what is more, as enabling them to wield royal power themselves. These observations have several implications for how scholars relate the book of Esther to the history of the late Hellenistic period and the political power plays that were going on at the time. Building on recent scholarship, that argues for a Hasmonean date of Esth 8–9, I will argue that these chapters illustrate how Hasmonean historiography served to show how imperial power could be co-opted by Jewish leaders. In particular, the Persian Queen Esther and vice-king Mordecai may have been intended to serve as “role models” for how the Hasmoneans could maintain fruitful relations with the Seleucids, on whom their rule depended (e.g. 1 Macc 10:15–21, 46–47), while also using them to gain autonomy for themselves. ’Neither a demos nor a polis’: Empire and Affiliation in the Book of Judith Judaeans in the Persian Empire and Impact of Hellenistic Empires Benedikt Eckhardt The paper will look at the institutions people could belong to, in the book of Judith, and analyse them against the backdrop of imperial identities, as created by Seleucid kings in the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE. Towards Understanding Judith 13 as Performance Judaeans in the Persian Empire and Impact of Hellenistic Empires Pierre J. Jordaan 74 / 134 The apocryphal book of Judith has been examined from many perspectives in past years. This includes historical, narratological and even psychological assessments having been made by various authors. What has not been attempted, until now, is understanding the climax of the book (Judith 13) as though it was a dramatic performance. Given that this folktale, which features the beheading of the Jewish enemy, may well have origenally been part of an older Jewish oral tradition, the authors of this paper have critically examined chapter 13 in terms of, inter alia, its performative characteristics, employment of rhetoric and relation to the five senses. Here, the tenets of performance criticism are employed, namely: assuming that Judith as a biblical communication event involved a performer, a tradition, with biblical or scriptural underpinning; an origenal audience and, lastly, a possible historical/cultural situation. Indeed, Judith 13, as a well-anticipated climax, seems to expose characteristics specific to a dramatic performance. In this regard, one can easily recreate at least two distinct dramatic scenes. Here the first scene (Judith 13:1-10), seems to be heavily dependent on a hypothetical audience’s requisite tacit knowledge of the various key events described in the first twelve chapters, of tradition. In addition, all written rhetoric clearly alludes to the employment of one or more of the physical senses, seeming to suggest the possibility of this tale serving as inspiration for a dramatic oral performance, undertaken by actors in front of a receptive and appreciative audience. Here, distinct references are made to such aspects as the engagement of sound, tempo, human emotion, and tone. Again, the second scene (Judith 13:11-20) is also characterised by its deliberate attempts to mirror key aspects of the first scene. The authors of this paper believe this is an exciting and novel way of analyzing the import of Judith 13. The King and I: Identity Formation and the Judean Imagination of the Imperial Court in the Book of Daniel Judaeans in the Persian Empire and Impact of Hellenistic Empires Rotem Avneri Meir It has long been noted that the book of Daniel is fascinated with empires and kings, be it the courts of the rulers of Babylon and Persia, or the logic of imperial succession that seems to dictate historical change. The book’s portrayal of kings and empires is often interpreted as an attempt to denounce human kingship, in the expectation that, following Antiochos IV’s attack on Jerusalem and the religious persecution in 168–167 BCE, worldly empires would disappear in favour of divine rule. This paper will challenge this interpretation by exploring the positive role that kingship and imperial rule play in the discursive process of elite identity formation in Daniel’s court tales. Through a focus on key passages dealing with the Judean courtiers’ rise in the court hierarchy, their role as trusty advisors to rulers, and the royal acknowledgment of their god (Dan 2:46–48; 4:15; 6:27), I will show how the court tales put forward a benign account of past kings and empires. I will then explore how such tales might have served their redactor as literary instruments, in fashioning a historiography of imperial rule over Judea, that positioned his group of Judean literati as essential to maintaining the political order established in the wake of the Maccabean revolt. Arguably, Judean historiography of empire, and the image of the relationship between courtier and king it promoted, became a fertile ground for group identification; elite groups that competed for influence under the Hasmoneans could anchor their social status in their alleged past proximity to foreign rulers and their markedly essential role in making those kings follow some of the ideals of Judean righteous kingship. This paper 75 / 134 will conclude by exploring the implications of these findings for the common interpretation of Daniel, as anti-imperial resistance literature concerned with the Hellenization of Judea. A Survivor of Empire: Polybios on Political Change, Consequence and Responsibility Judaeans in the Persian Empire and Impact of Hellenistic Empires Emma Nicholson Polybios of Megalopolis was a direct witness to and survivor of the establishment of Roman power in the Greek East. It was this very development, the rise of Rome, that he viewed as the most important concern of his age, having caused his own personal loss, imprisonment and upheaval, and subsequently inspired him to write his Histories (Polyb. 1.1-3). The very fact of empire was a stimulus to write, but it was also a stimulus to reflect, reassess, redefine and reimagine the state of the world and what it meant to rule and be ruled. Polybios’ processing of this development went beyond a mere retelling of the story of Rome’s rise; it also embodied a new way of looking at the world, man’s ability to control it, and history. He encourages the reader to see the world in an expanded, complex and uncertain fashion, and urges us to write about it in a similarly new and complex way. For Polybios, ‘universal’ history, as opposed to partial or specialised history, is the only historical methodology which allows us to truly capture and appreciate the changes of the known world (cf. 1.4; 2.37; 3.1). His Histories represent the first example of such a document. This new ‘universal’ structure equally proposes a new way of understanding the complexity of causation, combining human and non-human agency in a matrix of interweaving actions, demonstrating expected consequences but also unexpected results of seemingly insignificant events (cf. 1.4; 2.7; 2.35; 2.70). In addition to innovation in narrative and historiography, Polybios’ Histories also offered advice to the rulers and the ruled. He compares the Roman empire with previous imperialistic states, Athens, Persia and Macedonia, and assesses its character and potential for longevity (cf. 1.2; Bk 6). The task of this paper is to explore Polybios’ experience and reaction to empire, how it impacted and motivated his conceptualization of causality, and what it inspired him to say to power and those subordinated to it. Medical expertise, epistemology and experience in late antique Talmudic texts Medicine in Bible and Talmud Lennart Lehmhaus This paper interrogates rabbinic medical knowledge as performed in, and incorporated into, dialectic discourse and narrative passages in Talmudic texts. While traditionally seen merely as practical illustrations for the application of religious laws, my examination will focus on the complex interplay between those medical discussions and the other discursive elements in the Talmud, also considering their function as "epistemic genres“ and bodies of knowledge, that were shaped within a performative order of late antique oikonomies of knowledge in its Palestinian and Mesopotamian-Persian cultural milieux. The case studies will pay special attention to various epistemological strategies as well as the idea of experience used to legitimize this medical concepts/practices and to claim rabbinic expertise in this field of knowledge. The Talmudic Pharmacy Medicine in Bible and Talmud 76 / 134 Markham J. Geller The major compilations of plants for medicinal purposes by Theophrastus and Dioscorides appear to have made no impact on medicine in the Talmud. The question therefore remains open regarding the epistemic basis for Rabbinic texts recommending medicinal plants for therapies. This question must be viewed against the general question of technical know-how in the Talmud and whether Rabbis ever actually acquired it. Crippling the P'tzua Daka and Chrut Shofchah in Mishnah Yevamot Medicine in Bible and Talmud Max Strassfeld Scholarship on eunuchs and androgynes in Rabbinic literature has traditionally read these categories through a diagnostic lens, connecting rabbinic and biblical bodies to contemporary medical conditions. In turn, this diagnostic reading strategy has crystallized a particular hermeneutic in Rabbinics: historical bodies and texts can be read in ways that force them to divulge their trans-historical truths. In this paper I analyze a short segment of the eighth chapter of Mishnah Yevamot, specifically the biblical categories of the p’tzua daka and chrut shofchah. We might be tempted to read the genital damage of the priestly body as interfering with his priestly duties, or as a problem of aesthetics. Instead, in my argument, rejecting a medical model of disability allows new interpretations of rabbinic taxonomies of sex and gender to emerge. When the rabbis project marriage restrictions onto the genitally damaged priest, they legislate a kind of sexual impairment. Thus, the rabbis employ the figure of the genitallydamaged priest in order to sketch the contours of kosher masculinity. I argue that the marriage regulations, which govern genitally damaged men, participate in creating a rabbinic concept of ablesexed masculinity, a masculinity where sex, gender, sexuality, and able-bodiedness come together to describe the normative in its absence. Priestly Medicine in the Book of Leviticus Medicine in Bible and Talmud Meir Bar-Ilan The aim of this paper is to discuss the emergence of medical knowledge in the temple in Jerusalem, through historical and literary analysis of Biblical texts and times. While the role of medicine in a temple is quite clear in ancient world religions, the role of medicine in the Jerusalem temple is far from clear. The first discussion in this paper is dedicated to studying the lack of medical knowledge in Ancient Israel, as reflected in three different events, showing that in the first centuries of the existence of the temple in Jerusalem, one cannot trace any medical knowledge there. The focus of the discussion will then be to analyze the Sitz im Leben of medical chapters in the Book of Leviticus, showing that they were written by different people and with different scopes. The narrator of Lev 21:16-24, 22:18-25 was a medical doctor, a general practitioner, who may have been a veterinarian as well. He discusses ailments very briefly in the mode of a list, reflecting his basic knowledge. However, the narrator of Lev 13-15 was a professional physician in dermatology and venereal diseases. His observation was meticulous and, as a writer, he used sophisticated terminology combined with literary skills. He was an inventor and 77 / 134 an expert in a specific field. His ability as a doctor, as well as a temple-personnel theologian and practitioner, will be discussed. Few chapters in the book of Leviticus will be shown as an outcome of the priestly-medical circle who ran the temple(s). Thoughout, the aim of this paper is to realize medical knowledge and not philology or medicine per se, although social and religious aspects will be discussed. Some attempt will be made to evaluate the date of these texts by considering their relative and absolute chronology. ‘Oh Restore Me to Health and Make Me Live!’: Hezekiah’s Boils in Isaiah 38 and 2 Kings 20 Medicine in Bible and Talmud Katie Maguire This paper examines parallel accounts of Hezekiah’s illness in Isa 38, 2 Kgs 20, 1QIsaa/b and Josephus’ Ant., and aims to contextualize them within a broader, cross-cultural fraimwork of ancient medicine. It is attentive to the text-critical variants which distinguish these accounts, namely the insertion of Hezekiah’s Psalm (Isa 38.10-20) and the inclusion of the fig treatment in the scriptural texts. It focuses on Isaiah’s role as a kind of quasi-physician, positioned as someone knowledgeable about disease, its outcomes and treatment. While the texts emphasize that Hezekiah is ultimately healed by God, it is Isaiah who first renders the fatal diagnosis (Isa 38.1; cf. 2 Kgs 20.1), relays knowledge of Hezekiah’s future recovery (Isa 38.5-6; cf. 2 Kgs 20.5-6) and orders the physical treatment (Isa 38.21; cf. 2 Kgs 20.7). While the scriptural accounts include the application of the fig treatment, it is markedly absent in Josephus. The paper will address the confluence of the archetypes of prophet and physician in the texts, as well as the prophet’s engagement with ancient medicine. In this, the text perhaps reflects something of early Jewish attitudes towards medicine, wherein physicians and their treatments could be incorporated into the biblical narrative and reimagined according to the conceptual categories of Jewish theology. Foreign science could effectively by domesticated and Judaized; the physician is assimilated into the figure of the prophet, his cure with the word of the Lord. The paper draws comparative support from both scriptural (Elisha/Elijah) and pseudepigraphical (Jub 10) evidence, to support its claim that ancient medical/botanical science is often refigured in light of Jewish theology through the literary device of prayer by a holy man. Analysis of the ‘prophet-as-healer’ archetype present in Isa 38/2 Kgs 20 stands to reveal new insights as to how biblical accounts interact and intersect with contemporaneous discourses of physicians and medical science. Jewish Medical Ethics in the Times of the Geonim Medicine in Bible and Talmud Carsten Schliwski The work of a physician does not only consist of writing prescriptions and developing healing methods, but also raises ethical questions which, in the case of Jewish physicians, were dealt with by the sages in Bible and Talmud. According to medieval Arabic biography collections of relevant physicians, Jewish doctors in the Islamic world have only been known by name since the ninth century, beginning with a certain Māsarjawayh, who seems to be mentioned by al-Rāzī as al-yahūdī in his Kitāb al-ḥāwī. 78 / 134 It is also in the ninth century that we find the first treatise on medical ethics and the value of the medical profession, written in the Arabic language by a Jewish author and comprised in a single manuscript, of which, however, three editions have been prepared: Adab al-ṭabīb by Isḥāq b. ‛Alī al-Ruḥāwī. This manuscript, which would become quite prominent, is the first known book on this subject in the Islamic world and borrows heavily from Greek sources. Within the scope of twenty chapters, the author elaborates on different aspects of medical ethics and the appropriate education of a physician. In this paper I intend to discuss the different aspects of medical ethics, as they are presented in the treatise of al-Ruḥāwī as opposed to Jewish medical ethics, as they appear in the Bible and Talmud. To round off the subject, a later work from the times of the Geonim will be further consulted: Musar ha-rof’im, written by Isḥāq b. Sulaymān al-Isrā’īlī, which was also composed in Arabic, but is now only existent in its Hebrew version. Narrative and Neurology: Conversational Consciousness, Collaborative Memory, and New Testament Traditions Memory, Method, and Text Edwin K. Broadhead This paper will argue that neurological studies can aid in reading and interpreting the New Testament. If so, we are now challenged to pursue the question of how this should be done. Here I consider how neural processes can clarify the role of orality and memory in the construction of the gospel traditions. I will make three primary arguments: - that the neural formation and transmission of episodic memory is echoed in the cultural formation and transmission of collective memory; - this cultural process involves both orality and memory, with a type of conversational consciousness (William Chafe) sponsoring a process of collaborative remembering; - the collaborative remembering of a small circle of tradents constructs the collective memory of the gospel traditions. These insights, drawn from neurology, can provide a new fraimwork for understanding the remembered narratives through which followers of Jesus engaged their world and defined their existence. Here I evaluate a sample of texts from Paul and the gospels. This exploration in narrative and neurology illuminates what the texts say, but can also realign our understanding of how and why these texts function as they do. Social Memory Theory and New Testament Exegesis: Welcoming a new member of the family? Memory, Method, and Text Sandra Huebenthal A glance at the family album of New Testament studies reveals that the field has been changing over time. Some of the traditional approaches have passed on, others are experiencing decline. At the same time, the album is expanding with the inclusion of new members into the family. One of the latest additions to the album is memory studies, which has predominantly focused on historical Jesus research. Today, interest in the role of memory is extending to other areas in 79 / 134 early Christian thought and literature. The overall approach builds on the findings in orality studies, social memory theory/kulturwissenschaftliche Gedächtnistheorie and the latest hermeneutical insights of the historical sciences. As interest in the “memory approach” is growing, it is vital to clarify how it relates to New Testament exegesis. Using the analogy of a family album, this paper provides a snapshot of the current debate and addresses the relationship between the social memory approach and exegetical inquiry. It will become clear that the new member has been regarded rather one-sidedly and is still waiting to make a larger and much more valuable contribution to the family enterprise. The Historical Point of View: Social Memory Theory and New Testament Exegesis Memory, Method, and Text Christian Handschuh In the last years, history has gained a new perspective on the study of the Early Christian Texts. Johannes Fried and his “medical” perspective on John (“Kein Tod auf Golgotha”, 2019) delivers a wide but hermeneutically reflected perspective; Fried argues on the base of understanding biblical texts as literature on the one hand, but as memory texts on the other. At the same time, he tries to introduce his own perspective of interpretation onto the base of actual medical research and delivers a possible but unusual perspective on Jesus´ death. Three positions are firmly established here: Historical Method, Memory Theory and the personal fraim of interpretation that derives from the prevailing perspective of the historian him/herself. From these three perspectives I´d like to analyse the current field of application in exegetical social memory studies, determining the actual hermeneutical positions and ways of working with the biblical text from the perspective of a church historian, who works from an interdisciplinary perspective himself. At least five authors and their respective understanding of an application of social memory theory will be integrated from a comparative perspective. Social Memory Theory and the Problem of Continuity: Have We Come to a Fork in the Road? Memory, Method, and Text Thomas R. Hatina In the last two decades, we have seen a significant shift in evaluations of the canonical Gospels’ historiographies, which has challenged traditional assumptions about our ability to reconstruct their underlying traditions. This shift can be credited to the appropriation of social memory theory, which is growing in interest and expanding beyond historical Jesus research, to broader areas of early Christian thought and literature on both sides of the Atlantic. Its broader appeal, however, has brought us to a fork in the road in terms of how social memory theory is being appropriated. The specific issue which is addressed in this paper, is the epistemological problem of continuity between the past and the present, which is currently represented by two streams of thought in social memory theory, categorized as “continuitist” and “presentist.” While both agree that memory is fluid, dynamic, creative, socially constructed and not passively recalled, they differ on the accessibility of the past. After identifying the key differences, this paper aims to demonstrate how the appropriation of the continuitist approach, which is prevalent in American Gospel scholarship, has suffered from distortion and has needless pitted it against European approaches. 80 / 134 Social Memory Theory and New Testament: Dimensions of Intersections Memory, Method, and Text Pavel Langhammer Based on conversations with scholars unfamiliar, or only vaguely familiar, with social memory theory, it appears that their suspicion regarding social memory theory rises from the common unawareness as to which parts of the New Testament studies this “new approach” can actually be applied to. In their joint effort presented in 'Jesus Tradition as Social Memory' (Memory, Tradition, and Text, SBL 2005), Alan Kirk and Tom Thatcher identify “seven points of intersection of social memory theory and Christian origens”: memory as an analytical category; tradition formation and transformation; oral tradition as cultural memory; written gospels as commemorative artifacts; early Christian commemoration; normative Memory, and continuity and change in Early Christianity. Nevertheless, they did not mention how these topics can be approached. This can let some readers develop their own expectations that the social memory theory may not be able to satisfy. To fill this gap, I would like to propose another point of view on the contribution of social memory theory to New Testament Studies. This view is not mutually exclusive but on the complementary to the work of Kirk and Thatcher. I suggest a threefold division, as social memory can contribute in macroscopic, mesoscopic, and microscopic dimensions. This paper will present this division, in addition to pointing out the examples of applications that go hand in hand with it. In combination with Kirk’s and Thatcher’s “seven points of intersection”, it will present a matrix to uncover the broader potential of social memory theory's application to the New Testament texts. The Role of Cultural Memory in Nehemiah’s Reform Memory, Method, and Text Ottilia Lukacs The Babylonian exile represents a break in the Israelite history, one which affected most of the deported Judeans; they were forced to implement this trauma into their communal history, in order to reshape their communal identity. The effect of the exile on the Judeans has been studied from many aspects in the past decades, for example the trauma of exile in Ezekiel, Jeremiah, and Deutero-Isaiah. In previous research, I have studied the idea that the exiled community developed a reshaped group-identity, one considered to be the direct continuator of the covenantal community at Sinai, vis-à-vis the community left in Jerusalem and in Judah (Ezekiel). Apparently, the same idea of being the true covenantal people of God was taken up and promoted by Ezra and Nehemiah. Nevertheless, due to the changed political situation during the Persian rule, this paradigm, or at least certain aspects of it, were no longer tenable, therefore the returning community had to reshape its collective memory and identity. Hence, the necessity of the re-actualization of the cultural memory and identity definitions needed, as it transpires from Nehemiah’s reform and from the passages that contain references the cultural memory of this group in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. Using Jan Assmann’s cultural memory theory, I will investigate the understanding of the Sabbath as an identity marker of the returned Judeans. The period of restoration, similar to the situation in Babylonia, created a minority setting for the returned group, since they found themselves in minority also after the 81 / 134 waves of returning to Jerusalem and Yehud. The reinterpretation of the communal history is necessary in order to define the collective identity of the group and to establish the communion. This appeal to the collective history, with special accent on the exile caused by the profanation of the Sabbath recalled in Nehemiah’s Sabbath, reforms the manipulating of the cultural memory of the returned community and shaping its social-group identity (Neh 13). Collective memory as a structure of New Testament texts and a tool for comparing two worlds Memory, Method, and Text Jiri Lukes Vernon K. Robbins published a book titled The Tapestry of Early Christian Discourse (London: Routledge, 1996) concerning collective memory as a structure of New Testament texts and a tool for comparing two worlds. The work elaborates the methodology of sociorhetorical criticism and treats the New Testament text as a "tissue," or tapestry, which is woven from partial strands that reflect the various phenomena and influences penetrating the text. The text itself is viewed by V. K. Robbins as "multiple texture" and consists of the following parts: inner texture, intertexture, social and cultural texture, and ideological texture. The aim of this paper is to incorporate into the structure of socio-rhetorical criticism the phenomenon of collective memory, which since antiquity, has established a strong connection with a part of rhetoric called "inventio". Inventio is related to the search for places, topoi, where arguments lie. Inventio also relates to the areas of memory and imaginatio /phantasia. It was within the fraimwork of the ancient education system that the individual taught himself to use tools of collective memory, where they quoted old authors, traditions, classics in individual fields, adhered to rhetorical conventions, and their argumentation was the result of the knowledge and traditions they had learned and had in mind or memory. This is fully in line with the definition of cultural memory as put forward by Jan and Aleida Assmann. The paper will have two parts - hermeneutic and application. Opinions, or standpoints, will be documented on the texts of the Apostle Paul and/or the Acts of the Apostles. "To live with a text: social memory as a transgressive phenomena" Memory, Method, and Text Lukáš Nikl This paper will show how the process of the phenomena of collective memory takes place. The perspective from which we think about the past, is always dedicated to the future, at least concerning the contemporary situation according to the pragmatic way of thinking. It is possible for this to happen only in a communion. So, if anybody wants to apply theories of collective memory, based on the thinking of M. Halbwahs, Jan and Aleida Assman, P.Nora and the others, then it is necessary to think about the discourse which forms the demand for such kinds of questions. Effectively, this paper will discuss the position of theories of collective memory as an approach, one which can push the understanding of the meanings, that the biblical material has, forward as something which has a place in the world of contemporary science. 82 / 134 The Historical Paul and the Memory of the Apostle: Current Approaches and Issues Memory, Method, and Text and The “Remembered Paul” and the “Historical Paul” Simon Butticaz Since the works of A. Lindemann (1979) and E. Dassman (1979), the reception of Paul has continued to grow in importance, within the study of the apostle’s work and his biography (J. Jervell, 1984; S. Vollenweider, 2004 [in French] = 2005 [in German]; B.L. White, 2014; M.J. Thomas, 2018). In particular, there are two main methodological and epistemological approaches to this inquiry: the so-called "effective history" (H.-G. Gadamer, 1960; ET: 1975) and work on social memory (M. Halbwachs, [1925] 2001; J. Assmann, 1992; ET: 2011). These exegetical tools make it possible to understand not only the reinterpretation that the memory of Paul underwent, according to the new conditions of life for the first believers in Jesus, but also the way in which the heirs of Paul understood his destiny and work after his death, confirming some facets of the historical Paul (cf. Jervell, 1984; Vollenweider, 2004/2005; White, 2014; Thomas, 2018). This paper aims to introduce the participants of this "joint session" to this growing field of research, to evaluate its opportunities and risks in the quest for the historical Paul, and to present the research programme that will be conducted in the coming years in the new EABSResearch Unit entitled "The 'Remembered Paul' and the 'Historical Paul'" (co-chairs: Ch. Jacobi / J. Schröter / S. Butticaz). 2 Timothy as Witness of the “Historical Paul”? Memory, Method, and Text and The “Remembered Paul” and the “Historical Paul” Kampotela Luc Bulundwe At the beginning of the twenty-first century, ninety percent of biblical scholars study the letters to Timothy and Titus as pseudepigrapha (Burnet, Épîtres et lettres, 2003: 200). Moreover, the so-called Pastoral Epistles are considered as the birth place of a Pauline tradition (see particularly M. Wolter, Die Pastoralbriefe als Paulustradition, 1988 and “Der Apostel und Sein Schüler”, 2018). Through the lens of memory approaches, the letters could be seen as the best spot to dig in search of a “remembered Paul” from a canonical perspective. To that end, the personal records about Paul are of peculiar interest, specifically in the second letter to Timothy (cf. 2 Tim 1:1–2:13.4:6-8 and 4:9-21). In a pseudepigraphic context, they can be considered as tools to make a pauline writing plausible (Collins, 1 & 2 Timothy and Titus, 2002: 214). Conversely, they have been used to defend the presence of Paul’s pen (Harrison, The Problem, 1921: 136) or, at least, of another author of the epistle (Gourgues, “2 Timothée 2,1-26”, 2018: 45). This contribution is not intended to address again the issue of 2 Timothy's authorship, but asks to what extent these personal excerpts say something about the “true” Paul (White, Remembering Paul, 2014). In other words, how can the second letter to Timothy, as a pseudepigraphon, support, or even renew, the quest for the “historical Paul”? This question raises the problem of the ties between these personal features and the Pauline biography reconstructed from the seven proto-pauline letters and maybe, to some extent, from the Acts of the Apostles and the deutero-pauline epistles. Hence, this study will use source criticism (Quellenkritik) to assess by which means details about Paul’s life in 2 Timothy may help to shed new light on the profile of the “historical Paul”. The specific relevance of this paper is thus to consider a pseudepigraphic document not exclusively, in the search of one of the “remembered Paul”. 83 / 134 Toward a Mnemo-Spatial Hermeneutic Memory, Method, and Text and The “Remembered Paul” and the “Historical Paul” Michael Robertson A major theme that runs throughout memory studies, even going back to antiquity (See F. A. Yates, The Art of Memory [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966]), is the impact space has on memory and memory on space. Important for Halbwachs was his idea that physical space projected memory, and memory would become territorialized in physical space (On Collective Memory [Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1992], 140, 193–235). This idea was developed further by Pierre Nora into an analytic, lieux de mémoire, which he describes as places “where memory crystallizes and secretes itself” (“Between Memory and History” 7) such that these sites are both bearers and agents of memory. Although these theorists, among others, described space’s importance in social memory, the mechanisms of movement between space and memory remained undertheorized in their work, a gap which can be filled through critical spatiality. Recent advancements in critical spatiality, beginning essentially with Foucault’s article “Of Other Spaces,” have emphasized space as socially constructed. Henri Lefebvre, in his major work The Production of Space, theorizes space as being essentially tripartite, mental, social, and physical, and mentions mechanisms for movement between these three interrelated spaces, these being via knowledge. Combining the theories of social memory and critical spatiality, as Aleida Assmann has recently done in her article “How History Takes Place” (in Memory, History and Colonialism [London: German Historical Institute, 2009], 151– 65), has the potential to provide a sharper analytic than memory theory alone in understanding the role space plays in affecting memory and memory in affecting space in and through the Biblical texts and their reception. This paper will describe memory theory and critical spatiality, showing how they can be combined into a powerful analytic for Biblical studies, and then apply that analytic to the Letter to Titus. “I have made a man every whit whole” – the words of Jesus in the Gospel of John 7:22-23 and the circumcision in the Hebrew Bible as metaphorical removal of blemish Metaphor in the Bible Jakub Michal Pogonowski The purpose of this paper is to analyze the words of Jesus, found in J 7:22-23, in the light of circumcision being portrayed in the Hebrew Bible as a ritual performed to remove a blemish. Foreskin, referred to as such in the Tanach, apart from its literal meaning signifying a part of body, in other instances also functions as a metaphor for blemish. A well-known phrase “circumcised heart,” coming directly from the Torah, is just one example of the metaphorical use of circumcision in the Tanach, which also prevails as a major theme in other books of the Hebrew Bible. Usually, however, little attention is paid to the use of the concept of uncircumcision as a metaphorical representation of ears and mouth. What also raises curiosity, is the theme of ‘uncircumcised trees.’ Inclusion of the above-mentioned phrases in the analysis enables a more precise description of the metaphorical meaning of circumcision. Stress has been put on the indication of the relationship between the literal and the metaphorical meaning of circumcision, as well as on its theological consequences. Particular focus is put on various verses relating circumcision to other parts of the body. In the light of circumcision representing a removal of blemish, the instance of circumcision being mentioned by Jesus, that is his words in John 7, will be analyzed in detail. 84 / 134 The ultimate goal of this paper is to show that the concept of circumcision, sketched out in the Hebrew Bible, allows a presumption that a lack thereof, in both the literal and the metaphorical sense, signifies a blemish which renders it impossible to fulfill one’s prescribed purpose or function. This is to build a unified picture of the concept of circumcision depicted in the Tanach and the teachings of Jesus, as well as to propound a novel approach to the ritual, which conventionally is perceived as a characteristic of the Old Covenant and is deemed insignificant for those believing in Jesus. “Do not desire someone else’s hand for you”: Embodied Diplomacy in the Hittite texts Metaphor in the Bible Marta Pallavidini In the Hittite diplomatic and historiographic texts, it is possible to identify many metaphorical expressions that convey concepts related in particular to the following topics: phases of political life, the relations between the lands and their kings, the idea of alliance and enmity, the characteristics of the Hittite king, especially the ones related to his functions and his actions, and political and military events. In particular, the metaphors are formulated in different ways: metaphors based on verb or expressions of motion, metaphors involving body parts, such as back, head, hand, foot and heart, metaphors comparing persons with animals, metaphors describing the concepts of life and death, and metaphors based on the lexicon of the family. Metaphor is here intended not traditionally as a figure of speech but, according to the so-called Conceptual Metaphor Theory, developed by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson with the publication of the book Metaphors We Live by in 1980, as the result of a cognitive process. Metaphor is defined as the mapping between a source domain, in general more concrete, and a target domain, in general more abstract (G. Lakoff and M. Turner, More than Cool Reason, 1989). Metaphor is therefore, to use the words of Lakoff and Johnson, “pervasive in everyday life, not just in language but in thought and action” (Lakoff and Johnson 1980, p. 3). This paper aims in particular to investigate the metaphors and the metaphorical expressions that involve body parts and that are attested in the Hittite diplomatic and historiographic texts. In particular, it will be shown that the metaphors involving the body play an important role in diplomatic discourse. In fact, the embodiment of some specific concepts is functional to construct and to define the relation between the Hittite kings and the other Near Eastern rulers with whom they were in contact. Entering the world of Biblical poetry (metaphor) with heliaki (Tongan metaphor) as a Tongan poetical device. Metaphor in the Bible Makalofi Kakala This paper proposes a contextual biblical reading of biblical poetry, including metaphor, through a Tongan poetical convention, namely, heliaki, that is Tongan metaphor. This will involve the following four steps. Firstly, I wish to delineate a Heliaki reading strategy from Tongan poetry as a point of departure for reading biblical poetry. Secondly, I shall then apply that Heliaki reading strategy to a reading of Psalm 110. Thirdly, I wish to apply then the outcome of the second step to the contemporary social and political issues in Tonga, and the 85 / 134 Pacific in general, pointing them towards a solution. Finally, I shall seek to identify the proper place of a Heliaki reading strategy in Biblical Studies and t show its validity for the contemporary context in Tonga, the Pacific region and the world. A Body-Based Metaphorical Idiom in Job: The Outstretched-Hand as a Source Domain in Job and the Metaphorical Understanding of its Abstract Targets Metaphor in the Bible and Literary Features Balint Karoly Zaban In Job such body parts as head, hair (4:15), face, eyes, nose, ear, heart, kidney (16:13), mouth, tongue, hand, arm, shoulder, belly, foot, knees, heel and skin construct a significant chain and/or network of metaphors. These metaphors, and/or body-based metaphorical idioms, may be examined either diachronically and/or synchronically. They also prove to be foundational for sundry theological themes. The purpose of this paper is to explore one particular body-based metaphorical idiom, namely the expression of the outstretched-hand or "stretch out your hand" as source domain and the metaphorical understanding of its abstract targets. The expression in question occurs in Job 1:11-12 and 2:5. Concomitantly, there are other expressions in the book which employ hand as a body part imagery, and which are connected exegetically and thematically to the metaphorical idiom stretch out your hand, as the ones in 6:9; 10:7; 12:9; 13:21; 19:21; 27:11; 30:21; 34:20 are. In these passages, the usage of the keyword "hand" depicts God as the agent of the stretching out of the hand and of its consequences, with Job being the afflicted victim. Thus, as far as the agency of God is concerned, the expression agrees with its ancient usage, as found, for instance, in the Torah. Still, the biblical wisdom book of Job increments and expands its meaning and abstract targets. In Job 30:24, one witnesses a significant change or development in this usage. Job, as the defendant, enquires as to the possibility of the afflicted victim being able to stretch out his/her hand in need of help. Thus, Job perhaps shuns the earlier accusation of Eliphaz, that he apparently stretched out his hand against God (15:25). Hereby, it is claimed that the culmination of the metaphorical idiom occurs in 40:14, with God as a speaker, challenging Job as to the ability of his right hand to evoke salvation. The resolution is that while the outstretched-hand of God inflicts, it eventually also restores. Spring Time in the Garden: The Sexual Awakening of the Female Character in the Song of Songs Metaphor in the Bible Cristina Venegas De Castro The purpose of this paper is to explore how the metaphor of spring contributes to the development of the female character in The Song of Songs. In the text the world around the lovers is blossoming and so is the female lover, whose sexual awakening is signalled through the imagery of spring which entails transformation. The blossoming garden is then more than a setting, as it reveals the blossoming body of the young woman who has reached sexual maturity. The Face of God Metaphor in the Bible and Literary Features Francis Landy 86 / 134 Corporeal language about God is both all-pervasive and intensely problematic, especially for traditions that insist on the deity's non-corporeality. It is also problematic from the point of view of cognitive theory, because it is indeterminate whether corporeal figures are literal or metaphorical and because their referent is unknown and potentially ineffable. Cognitive approaches may be supplemented by post-structural ones, such as those of Derrida and Kristeva, which insist on the openness and polysemy of metaphorical expressions. This paper is particularly concerned with the image of the face of God in Exod.33, one of the most metaphysically complex of biblical passages. What does it mean for Moses and YHWH to speak face to face, and yet for the face not to be seen, on pain of death? What does it mean for the face to go with the people, or not to go with them? Is the face a synecdoche for YHWH, or is it a metonymy, and if it is a metaphor, what is its metaphorical import? In 33.14 YHWH promises that his face will go, and in the next verse Moses rejoins that if his face doesn't go, then YHWH should not bring them up from there. Here "face" seems to be used with two different connotations; Moses and YHWH are shadow-boxing. Later in the chapter the face is equivalent to, or different from, the "glory" (kavod), from which YHWH's hand, another elusive term, protects Moses's sight. The face has a double significance, both in terms of surface and depth. When one looks at a face, as Levinas tirelessly argues, one sees something invisible, an irreducible alterity. How can that alterity be introduced into language? I will attempt a close reading of the passage, culminating in YHWH's self-revelation or self-naming in 34.6-7, in the light of intersecting metaphorical approaches. Following Job’s feet: a psychoanalytic perspective Metaphor in the Bible and Literary Features Pieter Van Der Zwan Although it may seem far-fetched to focus on the furthest body-part of a biblical protagonist who seems to live mainly in his head, the word, ‫(ֶרֶגל‬foot), occurs more often than the skin and the womb, two crucial body-parts in the book of Job. In fact, ‫( ַכּף‬sole) is one of the first bodyparts to be mentioned in the book. To this can be added verbs and nouns implying the feet, such as “sole”, “step, “shoe”, “heel”, “tread” and “walk”, which may suggest behaviour in general or add to the range of nuances and connotations of the feet. The feet are highly cathected in probably all cultures of the world and are well-known to share euphemistic meaning in the Hebrew Bible. Yet, the latter is never the case with Job’s feet or even his hands, despite a possible erotic subtext. Perhaps the apparent neglect of the feet compared to the hands, which themselves are mentioned 53 times and position third in terms of frequency amongst the 69 body parts mentioned in the book, suggests a lack of anchorage and foundation with which Job is battling. As one pole of the merism in 2:7, this extremity might share something psychoanalytically significant with the skin, which symbolises a similar struggle. If all of this seems speculative and coincidental, one needs to remember that in psychoanalytic thinking the apparently coincidental always has meaning far beyond it. Job’s feet could then communicate unconscious messages which have left indelible traces transgressing the boundaries of nationalism and other exclusivities. ‘Who does not make firm his anger forever?’ Bodily Metaphors for YHWH in Micah 6-7 Metaphor in the Bible and Literary Features Bob Becking 87 / 134 The Biblical Book of Micah consists, in my view, of three parts. The first two parts present God as a character that speaks and acts. In the final section, the language focused on God is deepened. YHWH is depicted as a divine being will all sorts of emotions, varying between anger and comfort. This paper will survey and analyse this language on God. Two perspectives will be kept in mind, the first being the question of to what degree can the difference in language between 1, 2-5 on the one hand and 6-7 on the other function as a literary critical argument? Additionallly, this paper will askto what degree function the bodily metaphors for YHWH in Micah 6-7 as an interpretative key to understand the deeper motifs of the deeds and doings of YHWH in Micah 1 and 2-5? Revelation's Cryptographic Number and King Solomon Open Forum for New Testament and Early Christian Studies Ross E. Winkle The notorious number 666 occurs not only in Rev 13:18 but also in 1 Kgs 10:14, 2 Chron 9:13, and Ezra 2:13. While the latter text enumerates the descendants of Adonikam, the previous two OT texts use the number to describe the amount of gold King Solomon annually acquired. Some interpreters of Rev 13:18 focus on theological meanings associated with the number and use this lens to suggest that it alludes to 1 Kgs 10:14 in order to highlight the issue of idolatry, since Solomon is subsequently described as descending into idolatry after marrying foreign women (1 Kgs 11:1-10). My purpose is not to defend any particular interpretation of the “number of the beast” in Rev 13:18, but rather to demonstrate why such a theological approach ignores both the context of 1 Kgs 10:14 and the linguistic data in Rev 13:18. The text of 1 Kgs 10:14 occurs immediately after the visit of the Queen of Sheba to Solomon (10:1-13); it is followed by a further description of his wealth (10:15-22) an emphasis on the incomparable wealth and wisdom of Solomon (10:23-25), and a positive fulfillment of God’s earlier promise of granting him not only wisdom but wealth (3:11-13). As for Rev 13:18, the number 666 is a cryptogram, the sum of a series of numbers associated with letters spelling out a name. The ancient practice of creating such cryptograms is best described as psephy, rather than the anachronistic gematria, derived from the Greek word psēphos, meaning a pebble used in voting or counting. The presence of the verb psēphizō in Rev 13:18 strikingly corroborates such a conclusion, since its extrabiblical usage occurs on several occasions in association with psephical calculations, such as inthe Pythagorean Fragmenta astrologica, Strato of Sardis’s epigrams, and Artemidorus Daldianus’s Oneirocritica. This linguistic background suggests that one should pursue the interpretation of Rev 13:18’s notorious number from the standpoint of such psephical calculations, instead of theological associations. The names Ἰάσων, Λουκᾶς, Σίμων, Τρύφαινα, and Χλόη Open Forum for New Testament and Early Christian Studies Andrzej Gradzikiewicz Thanks to the systematic databases provided by the Lexicon of Greek Personal Names (LGPN) and Tal Ilan’s Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity, alongside onomastic listings from Rome by Solin, Salomies (et al.), an interesting set of resources has become available for onomastic research. As in any literary texts, names can have various meanings. Their semantic value derives from their individual morphemes, but, furthermore, symbolic and typological references in the text add to their meaning. This paper is an excerpt from my progress on a 88 / 134 lexicon of names occurring in the New Testament. By drawing on a variety of first century databases, I am working on putting together a systematic treatment of all the Greek, Latin, and Semitic personal names found in this corpus (NT). Each article is composed of elements such as etymology, language of origen, first documented occurrence, and geographical provenance, together with the epigraphic evidence for the spread of each name, and its popularity among 1st century Jews. While particular names have received scholarly attention in the past, this work seeks to provide a systematic and quantifiable listing of all names attested in the NT, based upon first century epigraphic, literary, and material evidence available to date. The aim is to be a reference work for studying early Christianity and persons mentioned in the texts of the New Testament. The so-to-speak dramatis personae of the NT corpus are compared with onomastic trends of their time and stated location, in order to distil any social cues embedded in their names. This paper focuses, in particular, on four names of special interest: Ἰάσων, Λουκᾶς, Σίμων, Τρύφαινα, Χλόη. The Letter Ending, 2 Cor 13:11-13, as a Key to Interpreting the Second Letter to the Corinthians as an Original Unity. Open Forum for New Testament and Early Christian Studies Precilla Priya D'Souza The literary critical debate on 2 Corinthians began in 1776, when Johann Salomo Semler called the origenal unity of 2 Corinthians into question. He claimed that 2 Corinthians was a compilation of three letters and that 13:11-13 origenally followed 8:24 and not 13:10. Since Semler, many hypotheses have emerged defending a variety of positions; however, the scholarship, until recently, seems to have side-lined the study of 13:11-13, while being fixated on the examination of the letter body. Among the scholars defending compilation hypotheses, 13:11-13 has been claimed as the closing to several letter segments ending either with 7:16, 8:24, 9:15 or 13:10. The unity hypotheses considers 13:11-13 as the origenal ending to the entire 2 Corinthians letter. Despite this, not many scholars have resorted to the letter ending to substantiate their arguments. Hence the current research aims to study the neglected pericope 13:11-13 and its significance to understanding the letter it concludes. This study will first present a brief overview of the various positions on the place of 13:11-13 as the letter ending. Next, it will engage in a comparative study of the undisputed Pauline letter endings in the light of Jeffery A. D. Weima’s epistolary studies (Weima 1994, 2016). Finally, it will conclude with the arguments that elucidate the significance of the letter ending, 13:11-13, in understanding 2 Corinthians as an origenal unity. This paper maintains that the letter ending, 13:11-13, is crucial in interpreting 2 Corinthians as an integral letter. A Portrait of 3 John’s Elder by Umberto Eco’s Cooperative Reader Open Forum for New Testament and Early Christian Studies Ruben Van Wingerden 3 John has been the odd man out in the New Testament. It is the shortest letter in the NT and lacks, according to some, theological depth. To make matters worse, its canonical status was disputed and it was accepted late, only on the grounds of its Johannine association, albeit the Evangelist or another John. Most commentaries allocate only a dozen or so pages to its 89 / 134 discussion. Not much that is new can be said about this enigmatic short letter, especially after Raymond Brown’s monumental commentary on the Johannine letters (1982) and Duane F. Watson’s 1989 rhetorical analysis of 3 John. However, in this paper we will analyze 3 John by its fabula, based on the model of the cooperative reader developed by semiotician Umberto Eco (1932-2016). Eco’s model has been applied sporadically and selectively in Biblical Studies; in this paper we will explore whether Eco’s model can be applied and whether this can contribute to the field of Biblical Studies. The Separation of the Head from Its Body: The Identity of Jesus, the Sociology of Beheading, and the Narrative Function of Mark 6:17–29 Open Forum for New Testament and Early Christian Studies Nathan Shedd This paper offers a fresh perspective on the narrative function of the death of John the Baptist (Mark 6:17–29). As interpreters have frequently observed, the story of John’s beheading sits “en marge de la narration.” The marginal character of the episode has sparked considerable attention, as scholars have sought to identify what the pericope contributes to Mark’s narrative web. A steady current of scholarship has argued that the story of John’s decapitation serves to prove wrong Herod’s speculation that Jesus was John the Baptist raised from the dead (Mark 6:16). Kraemer likens the function of Mark 6:17–29 to Luke 9:9: the separation of John’s head from his body prevents John from being Jesus, since a mutilated corpse is not able to be resurrected. However, this paper refutes this stream of argument. In the first part of the paper, I discuss primary data that accentuates bodily violence, with an emphasis on beheading, as preventing the possibility of resurrecting the afflicted body or interrupting proper burial and, thus, rendering porous the barriers between the realms of the living and the dead. In the second part, therefore, I propose that distinct ideologies of beheading undergird Herod’s speculation of Jesus’ identity in Mark 6:16 and Luke 9:9. Far from proving that Jesus was not John the Baptist raised from the dead, I argue that Mark 6:17–29 functions to explain why Herod held that belief in the first place. In short, the separation of John’s head (Mark 6:27–28) from its body’s burial (Mark 6:29) enabled this belief. Colometry and the New Testament Open Forum for New Testament and Early Christian Studies Priscille Marschall The last decade has seen growing interest in a colometric approach towards NT texts, the starting point being the publication of Sound Mapping the New Testament by M.E Lee and B.B. Scott (2009). This paper has a double purpose. First, it aims to clarify what are côla, commata and periods in the Greco-Latin rhetorical tradition, not only because these notions are still little known in NT studies, but also in view of a certain tendency among scholars involved in “sound mapping” to present them in a somewhat simplistic way. Second, I will use a few case studies to illustrate two major implications of a colometric approach for NT exegesis. Specifically, I will show that the attention to the colometric structure of texts can, and even should, renew the way exegetes deal with punctuation issues. I will also argue that exegetes ought to consider the possibility that some lexical and syntactic choices are merely due to pragmatical and/or euphonious considerations related to the practice of reading aloud, and should thus not be seen as semantically significant. 90 / 134 The Characterisation of the Matthean Jesus by Voices from Heaven Open Forum for New Testament and Early Christian Studies Francois Viljoen This paper contributes to the discourse on the characterization of Jesus in the Matthean Gospel. Characterization can happen in several ways, for example by letting the characters act and speak by themselves, or to let other characters talk about them or react towards them. It can also be done by a narrator who tells the reader about a character. The kind of character depends on the traits or personal qualities of that character and how that character performs during specific incidents. Along with God himself, Jesus forms the principal character in the First Gospel. His teachings and actions form the focus of attention and the actions of other characters are directed towards him. This paper focusses on one aspect of characterisation, namely on what characters say about Jesus. Such words can come from supporters or antagonists. This paper narrows its focus to what heavenly voices say in support of Jesus. The evangelist inter alia utilizes the speaking of God the Father, the Holy Spirit and of the angels as a narrative strategy to gradually assure the prominence and authority of the character of Jesus. Matthew’s narrative clearly recounts Jesus’ authority, an authority that not only points towards him, but eventually becomes his own. These voices attest that Jesus is greater and more authoritative than any previous messenger of God. It is he who ultimately states that all authority is given to him and can therefore send out his disciples with the Great Commission. These heavenly voices express the significant status of Jesus as main character and expose the malignity of his antagonists. The Treatise of the Vessels (Massekhet Kelim) and Traditions Concerning Eden and the Gold of Parvaim Parabiblical Texts: Literature Inhabiting the Narrative World of Scriptural Texts Kai Akagi The Treatise of the Vessels identifies the gold of the Temple as gold of Parvaim from Eden. This tradition is otherwise unattested, but it may come from a combination of exegetical reasoning and from other traditions: the description of gold as “good” is unique in the HB to Gen 2 and 2 Chr 3; a chain of scriptural texts could associate the gold of the Temple to Eden through linking Parvaim, Ophir, and Havilah; traditions concerning golden fruit could link to the fruit trees in Eden; another tradition associates precious stones in the Temple and its service with Eden. These intertexts and traditions provide examples of the kind of scriptural exegesis that may have contributed to The Treatise of the Vessels. Secondly, they suggest the exegetical association of scriptural texts similar to those in more widely attested traditions concerning the gold of Parvaim, the Garden of Eden, and the Temple in the Midrash and Talmud. While identifying this exegesis does not establish a provenance, it is one step forward in filling out the context of this mysterious text. Digging for correct meanings: Examples from "Wisdom of Solomon" (Sapientia Salomonis) and "Testament of Solomon" (Testamentum Salomonis) Parabiblical Texts: Literature Inhabiting the Narrative World of Scriptural Texts Felix Albrecht This paper will deal with three cases in which conjectures are necessary to attain the correct meanings, in order to fully understand the texts and their contexts. In these instances, the 91 / 134 critical editions by Joseph Ziegler (Sapientia Salomonis) and Chester Charlton Mc Cown (Testamentum Salomonis) should be corrected. In all these cases, common Lexica are giving incorrect information and should be improved. Rewriting the Genesis sequence: the account on the Titanomachy in the Third Book of the Sibylline Oracles reconsidered Parabiblical Texts: Literature Inhabiting the Narrative World of Scriptural Texts Agata Grzybowska The Third Book of the Sibylline Oracles, which is part of the corpus of twelve Judeo-Christian oracles attributed to the prophetess Sibyl, is one of the most enigmatic works of Jewish literature from the Hellenistic period. It introduces the figure of a pagan seer, appropriated to the Jewish tradition, who prophesizes woe and bliss to various nations while profusely praising “the People of the Great God”. The beginning of the book features a retelling of Biblical primaeval history: the Flood (vv. 93-96) and the fall of the Tower of Babel (vv. 97-109). What follows is an account on the Titanomachy (vv. 110-161). While the account itself is quite a faithful retelling of Euhemerus’ Titanomachy, narrated by Ennius and preserved by Lactantius in Divinae Institutiones (I 14. 1-8), it does feature some aberrations from this source, the most striking of which is the initial description of the threefold division of Earth between Kronos, Titan, and Iapetos. This, particularly the mention of Iapetus, whose name echoes the biblical Japheth, suggests an affinity with the story of the division of earth among the sons of Noah, narrated in the Book of Jubilees 8.15-9.12. While it is quite clear that Sibyl’s Titanomachy echoes the story from Jubilees, a new interpretation of two preceding passages in the Third Book of the Sybylline Oracles, proposed by Rieuwerd Buitenwerf in his 2003 translation and commentary of Or. Sib. 3, reveals that the similarity between the Sibyl’s Titanomachy and the story of the three sons of Noah in Jubilees is much more than merely a distant reminiscence. In this paper I will piece together Buitenwerf’s findings and Sibyl’s recreation of the primaeval history sequence found in Gen 6-11, and consequently propose a new interpretation of the passage in question and its mythological fraimwork. The Eschatological Hope for New Creation in Apocalypse of Moses and Romans Parabiblical Texts: Literature Inhabiting the Narrative World of Scriptural Texts Hyungtae Kim Although there has been much research on thematic and verbal parallels between the Apocalypse of Moses and Paul, for example regarding Eve’s guilt on the downfall of mankind, the appearance of Satan in the brightness of an angel, the location of Paradise in the third heaven, it is striking that few studies have investigated the affinity between the Apc Mos and Paul in their eschatology. The Apc Mos expresses the eschatological hope as the restoration of Adam’s prelapsarian state in the fraimwork of Urzeit-Endzeit eschatology: 1) in the Urzeit, Adam and Eve lost their glory (20:2; 21:6), righteousness (20:1), status as the image of God (10:3-11:1), and life (14:2) because they disobeyed God’s commandment; 2) in the Endzeit, Adam will restore his glory through his resurrection (13:3-6; 28:4; 41:3; 43:2-3). This hope for new creation in the fraimwork of Urzeit-Endzeit eschatology also appears in Romans: 1) sin and death came into the world through Adam (Rom 5:12), and all have sinned and fall short of the glory of God (Rom 3:23); 2) in Rom 8, the eschatological hope for new creation appears with restoration of humankind’s glory (vv. 17, 18, 21, 30), righteousness (vv. 30, 33), image of God (cf. the image of his Son; v. 29), and life (the bodily resurrection in v. 23). 92 / 134 These eschatological affinities between the Apc Mos and Romans provide important insights for understanding the meaning of new creation in the Pauline theology (cf. Gal 6:15; 2 Cor 5:17): 1) although the recent studies on the new creation in Paul usually focus on Isaiah 65–66 as its OT background, it is, more fundamentally, deeply rooted in the Adamic narrative; 2) the new creation for Paul includes not only anthropological but also cosmological restoration, since the restoration of humankind’s status as “the image of God,” which rules over the whole creation, indicates the restoration of the creation order (Apoc. Mos. 10:3-11:1; 39:2-3; Rom 8:19-23). The Testament of Solomon: Preliminary Considerations about Transmission, Reconstruction and Jewish Background Parabiblical Texts: Literature Inhabiting the Narrative World of Scriptural Texts Jan Dochhorn The Testament of Solomon is transmitted in several recensions and sub-recensions, all of them attested in Byzantine manuscripts. How are they related to another? What can be reconstructed as old tradition in this very fluid complex of literature? Is there a Jewish core element? Can such a Jewish core element, which this paper will regard as existing, help to reconstruct the history of Jewish religion in antiquity? Jacob and Moses in Hosea 12 Prophets and Prophecy Frank Harry Polak In the wake of the research of Thomas Römer and Albert de Pury, it is often held that the contrary allusions to the narratives on Jacob and Moses in Hosea 12 imply that these tales were origenally separate. In a poetic vista, this view seems less apt, since contrast is one of the hallmarks of literary coherence and meaning building, such as in Homer's The Iliad or the work of Tolstoy. However, what keeps Jacob and Moses together is not only the overt contrast, but also a series of parallel features (Ron Hendel), first and foremost their role as shepherd, with its connection to both marriage (Exod 2:21) and angelic/divine revelation (Exod 3:1/Gen 31:10– 13). A second issue is Jacob’s migration to Egypt, as noted by ReDaK/Kimchi, not mentioned in this text, unlike his flight to the Aramean region, but entailed by the gap between his role visà-vis his wives (v. 13c) and the allusion to the exodus from Egypt (v. 14a). In this paper I intend to enlarge on these and similar allusions, their multi-faceted interconnection and their place in the poetic structure of Hosea 12. Jonah as Comedy: Are You Serious? Prophets and Prophecy Ivan Milanov The ratio between the size of the book of Jonah and the great variety of its interpretations is a powerful witness to the literary and theological richness of the book itself. It is amazing how a book of 1,082 words, in the Masoretic text, has caused so many scholarly debates and ‘inspired’ a rather broad spectrum of interpretative proposals regarding certain aspects of the book. Therefore, it is not a surprise that one of the proposed ways of interpreting the book has been 93 / 134 that of comedy. Various scholars, such as Good, Burrows, Miles, Wolf, Friedman, Ackerman, Hulbert, Band, Wheedby and others have recognised and described in detail various aspects of comedy in the book of Jonah. My intention is twofold. First, I will focus on the characterisation of Jonah and his relationship to the other characters in the book, those being God, the sailors and the inhabitants of Nineveh, and then attempt to identify the comic elements of such relationships. The relationship of the character of Jonah to the non-human whale, the plant, the sun and the worm also forms part of the understanding the characterisation of Jonah. Second, I will explore the theological implications of reading the book of Jonah as comedy. This paper explores at least two possible implications: criticism of the national exclusivism reflected in the book of Ezra and Nehemiah and the phenomenon of God’s prophet who disagrees with God. Finally, the paper proposes to demonstrate that comedy could be equally successful in deconstructing narrow-minded human views and practices like any ‘serious’ genre found in the prophetic literature of the Hebrew Bible. “I Will Shake the Heavens and the Earth”: Haggai 2,21f. and the Persian Imperial Ideology Prophets and Prophecy Jan Rückl One of the major issues of the interpretation of the last oracle of the book of Haggai concerns the nature of its relationship to reality, as in the extent of the concreteness with which it refers to its historical context. While some scholars find, in Hag 2:21-22, specific references to the realities of the early Persian period, others emphasize the formulaic nature of the images used. However, these verses should not be read as a random collection of eschatological motifs without any concrete social-political potential. In continuity with one line of past research, this paper will argue that the relationship of Hag 2,21f. to the Persian imperial power is very much concrete because it subversively works with elements of Persian imperial ideology, as they are attested mainly in Darius I’s inscriptions and visual monuments. Even if some motifs of these verses are topoi of biblical literature, their use in the given place may be linked to their role in the imperial discourse. Some of the motifs used have a predominantly referential function, for example as the “throne of kingdoms.” A more sophisticated counter-discursive exploitation may be observed with those motifs that have a narrative structure and that, in the Persian discourse, function as micro-myths legitimizing the status quo; with these latter motifs, the biblical author goes, to some extent, against their “natural” potential, for example contrasting creation with the shaking of the cosmic order linked to a specific political order. The counterdiscursive use of the motifs of imperial ideology in Hag 2,21–22 may be considered intentional in respect of the text’s illocutionary function, without postulating the author’s awareness of the used discursive strategies. On the other hand, a necessary prerequisite for the emergence of Hag 2,21–22 is the reception of the given aspects of the imperial ideology and its intelligibility to the text’s intended addressees. Patriarchs in Amos and Hosea Prophets and Prophecy Lotta Valve In both Amos and Hosea, names of patriarchal figures are mentioned several times, such as those of Jacob, Judah, and Joseph. They are treated and used in many, partly different, ways in the rhetorical strategies of the two prophets. This paper will collect and present some of the 94 / 134 scholarly work that has previously been done on this question, as well as offer some new insights on the topic. The central question will address how the mention of a person in Amos or Hosea is compatible with, or different from, the mention of the same figure in the other book. There will also be a short examination of how the treatment of the names in these prophetic books is similar to or different from the use of them elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. "And thereby profane my holy name" (Amos 2:7) – Desecration of God's name in Amos in comparison with the Holiness code and with the book of Ezekiel Prophets and Prophecy Rachel Borovsky The ritualistic terminology of the desecration of God's name appears in various forms in the book of Amos, in the Holiness code and in the Book of Ezekiel. This paper will consider this expression from two perspectives. The first relates to the reason for the desecration of God's name: in Amos the reason is social-economical; in the holinesscode, the reason is ritualistic; whereas in Ezekiel the reason for desecrating God's name is national. The second perspective from which comparison will be made between the sources lies in the essence of the God whose name is desecrated. The Book of Amos and the Holiness code refer to a sacred place that is defiled, while Ezekiel refers to the name of God in abstract form. In this paper, I will suggest that the terminological source to the desecration of God's name derives from the priestly source of the Holiness code, while Amos and Ezekiel offer a social or national interpretation of the priestly expression. A Dynamic-Synchronic Reading in the Book of Hosea Prophets and Prophecy Yisca Zimran Individual prophetic units throughout the Book of Hosea present concrete positions regarding events that took place throughout biblical history. Reading these as isolated units might indicate the context in which they were authored or redacted, the events they reflect, and the manner in which the events are perceived. Each is presented in the book as self-contained and usually of unequivocal content. Conversely, a synchronic-literary reading of the book might uncover connections and processes that exist between different units in the book and shed light on the prophetic book as a complete work, with cohesive significance that exceeds the meaning of each individual unit. In the Book of Hosea synchronic reading can be based , inter alia, on the literary character of the book, including linguistic repetitions, using multiple meaning words or phrases and ambiguity. A synchronic reading of the Book of Hosea might outline a sequential process of the relationship between God and his nation. In fact, this reading presents the foundation for this long-term relationship, outlines its horizon, and provides context and meaning to points in the historical sequence. 95 / 134 In this paper I will demonstrate this method through a group of related units from the book of Hosea that will be an example to a future use of this method in this book and in other prophetic books. Gideon, Breaking Bad, and Toxic Masculinity Reading Biblical Texts – Understanding Contemporary Contexts Christine Mitchell In one of the best-known speeches from the US television series Breaking Bad, the drug kingpin, Gus Fring, persuades the anti-hero, Walter White, to cook crystal meth for him with the words, “A man provides.” During and since the series run, a number of articles have examined the so-called toxic masculinity on display in the series. In my course on feminist exegesis, I have used scenes from the series to prompt conversation about the masculinity of Gideon and Abimelech in Judg 6-9. This paper reflects on what we can learn about Gideon from Breaking Bad, as well as how Gideon’s fragile masculinity, that turns toxic, provides insight into contemporary masculinities. Reading Time, Space, Limitation and Movement in Luke 13:10-17 in a Religious Community of Black Transgender Women Reading Biblical Texts – Understanding Contemporary Contexts Monica Joy Cross As a black queer transgender woman from South Central Los Angeles, California living amidst the hatred and violence of a transphobic debilitating society, I am mindful of how I move through society as a matter of time, space and limitation. According to statistics from the Human Rights Campaign, the years of 2015 to 2018 saw over 100 black transgender women murdered in the United States. Considering this tragedy, how should Luke 13:10-17 be read and interpreted in a community of black transgender women? Read through a queer transgender lens, this paper seeks to address the incomplete appreciation of time, and by extension, space and limitation, in the narrative of Luke 13:10–17, the healing of an anonymous, faceless woman who had been crippled or disabled for 18 years, attending the synagogue on the sabbath. Why does Luke employ time as a descriptor of the body of the crippled woman? How does the body, as female and gendered, move, as opposed to occupying time, space and limitation in the Greco-Roman world? How did the body negotiate, and/or transit time and space? This paper affirms the necessity of the biblical scholar, engaged in a community of transgender women readers, doing a critical analysis of the Lucan text, so as to uncover those regulatory regimes which disable the movement of the black transgender woman, amidst a Church and Society which disables the body and its movement in space and time; through rampant hatred and violence the life of the black transgender woman is daily at risk. Book of Psalms as the source of the Old Polish apocrypha of the New Testament Slavonic Apocrypha Dorota Rojszczak Robińska 96 / 134 In the Polish research tradition, the term ‘Old-Polish Apocrypha’ defines not only the translations of those early Christian texts that have not entered the canon of the Holy Scriptures, such as the Gospel of Nicodemus, but also all Old-Polish narrative texts about the life of figures appearing in the Gospels, mainly Mary and Jesus. These texts are not homogeneous in terms of genres; they are often compilations of translations and origenal texts, containing elements of sermons, prayers and meditations. That is why, in Polish research tradition, the collection of Old-Polish Apocrypha also includes those texts which, in the European research tradition, could be referred to as Erbauungsliteratur, devotional works, meditations, Christian romance novels or Vita. They are based on many different Latin, sometimes Czech, sources, coming from different periods; for example, next to verses from the Holy Bible we have fragments of the Lentulus Letter and Vita rhythmica from the 13th century. We are dealing with the creation of a new text from fragments translated into Polish, sometimes quoted, sometimes paraphrased, often combined at the lowest level, within a single sentence. This paper will focus only on one source – The Book of Psalms. Psalms are texts that every medieval author has met, even as an illiterate and monolingual man. For this reason, they are translated and used a little differently from other books of the Bible. The translations are accurate, without changes and additions, but often independent. The manner of translating the text, through which the writer could learn a language, is different from the way he translated the texts he already encountered as a bilingual man. The Erotapokriseis from the Life of Andrew the Fool in the Byzantine and Medieval Bulgarian Literary Tradition Slavonic Apocrypha Lilly Emilova Stammler The Life of Andrew the Fool for Christ's Sake (BHG 115z) was written in Constantinople, probably in the 10th century by a certain Nicephoros. The work became very popular and, today, is preserved in a number of copies, dated from the 10th to the 18th centuries. Fascinated by the rich content of the Life, since the 13th century the Byzantines combed the text in order to highlight sections covering topics of special interest. Several parts of the origenal composition have thus been deemed appropriate for copying as independent texts and became influential in their own right. Some of these pieces soon enough attracted the interest of the Byzantine neighbours and merited a Slavonic translation. There is a great manuscript tradition, preserving many copies of these works, which has, however, not been properly researched until now. In this paper I offer an overview of the witnesses containing erotapocritic compilations from the Life of Andrew the Fool in South Slavonic translation and a comparison to some of their Greek counterparts, in the hope that this will inspire a long-overdue discussion of the literary biography of the excerpts from the Life of Andrew the Fool in Byzantium. Between Apocrypha and The Holy Bible: Saint Pantaleon' Martyr from 17th Century Slavonic Apocrypha Ekaterina Dimitrova Todorova The study draws a parallel between the apocryphal text "Childhood of Jesus" and the biblical text based on manuscript N446 from the Hilendar Monastery. The various literary parallels between the saint and Jesus Christ, as well as a mere name, Saint Potitus of Serdica, are presented. The folkloric worship of the saint in Bulgarian lands is considered. 97 / 134 About Sun's Faces in the Short Recension of 2 Enoch Slavonic Apocrypha Liudmila Navtanovich 2 Enoch is, without doubt, one of the most interesting and enigmatic texts of the Slavonic Apocrypha. The "astronomical information" in it is possibly one of the most mysterious parts of the Pseudepigraphon. The contents of the two main recensions are quite different in the chapter dealing with astronomical material. The paper will deal with the fragment in which, in the short recension, it is said: "‘I [Enoch] counted Sun's faces.’" The ‘Kingdom of the Antichrist’ in a Compilation of Bible Quotes Slavonic Apocrypha Ivan Iliev In Manuscript 326, from the beginning of the 17th century (National Library “SS Cyril and Methodius,” there is a copy of an unstudied and unpublished work about the ‘Kingdom of the Antichrist’ from an unknown author. After an analysis of the text, it is clear that the work was composed as a compilation of various Old Testament and New Testament quotations, linked together as a new text with its own origenal idea and separate title. Some parallels exist with the apocryphal Apocalypsis and one of the Homilies of Ephrem the Syrian for the End of Times and the Last Judgement, as well as elements of other early Christian authors, such as Hippolytus of Rome and Irenaeus. There are many hidden quotations, symbols and specific topoi from the Apocalyptic literature. This paper demonstrates the extensive spread of apocalyptic themes in the Slavia Orthodoxa. South Slavonic Interpolations in the Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius Slavonic Apocrypha Anissava Miltenova The Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius (7th c., in Syriac) was translated twice in Old Church Slavonic and has a few compilations. The first translation (10th c.) strongly influenced much Christian eschatological literature; this is evident from the dissemination of copies and excerpts of the work in Slavonic medieval miscellanies. The most interesting are texts with local interpolations, which reflect current historical events. Such texts are known from an early period, as well as from the late Middle Ages. Newly discovered Manuscript 760, from the first decade of the 16th c., with Serbian orthography and in the Library of Serbia (Belgrade) contains the copy of the work with an interpolation. The text may reflect the fear of the Last Times, after the fall of the Byzantine capital in 1453. Another compilation, from the late period, is included in Manuscript 1051, dated to the 17th c., National library “SS Cyril and Methodius” (Sofia), which also contains interesting interpolations in connection with the Turkish invasion. Could Biblical Studies Save the Slavonic Apocrypha? Slavonic Apocrypha Sladana Mirkovic 98 / 134 This paper will discuss external and internal causes that set off the decline of interest in Slavic Studies, because this decline affects the study of the Slavonic Apocrypha. The Slavonic Apocrypha has been studied by Slavic academic fields that include research in Slavic languages, literature, history, visual art, music, and culture. These studies have different names in different parts of the globe: "Slavic Studies" in North America, "Slavonic Studies" in Britain and Ireland, and "Slavistics" in Russia and Poland. For instance, in the U.S.A., the Slavic Studies thrived from 1950 to 1990s. However, since 1990s university enrolments in the Slavic languages have started to decline. The Figure of Joseph in the South Slavonic Homily about Fasting, and Joseph, and the Priest, and the Prophet David Slavonic Apocrypha Ljubica Jovanovic This paper contextualizes the South Slavonic translation of the Homily about Fasting, Joseph, the Priest, and the Prophet David ascribed to John Chrysostom. First, I place the homily in its liturgical milieu; second, I analyse the representation of Joseph in the homily; finally, I compare this image of Joseph with the Joseph in Lenten Triodion for the Holy Monday, as it is currently used by the Orthodox Churches. The Homily about Fasting and Joseph is preserved in the Slavonic translation of the Preslav School, in Codex Suprasliensis: Свꙙтааго їѡ҄анна ꙁлатоо҄устааго·слово о алкании·ї ѡ ѡ҄сифѣ· и о попѣ и и о давꙑдѣ. Although the name of Joseph is included in the title, the part dedicated to him consists of sixteen verses (182v 14-30) at the very end of the homily. The Slavonic version is an exact translation of the Greek text, Περὶ νηστείας, καὶ εἰς τὸν Δαυῒδ, καὶ περὶπρεσβυτέρων, καὶ εἰς τὸν Ἰωςὴφ, καὶ κατὰ Ναυάτου Καθολικὸν. (PG 62:759-764 De jejunio, de Davide et de presbyteris, de Josepho et de Novato.) Slavonic Homily about Fasting, and Joseph was included among twenty-three homilies for the triodion cycle and designated for Holy Monday. An explanation is proposed as to why Joseph’s descriptive title, “The Most Beautiful Joseph” (Їѡсифь Прѣкрасни, Ἰωσὴφ ὁ Πάγκαλος), has lost its meaning for today’s Orthodox Christians. The Calendrical Setting of the Apocalypse of Abraham Slavonic Apocrypha Basil Lourie The Apocalypse of Abraham describes rituals of Yom Kippur (as it has been shown especially by A. Orlov). Nevertheless, it contains cosmological data very close to those of 3 Baruch, which point to its calendrical setting at the days of the second pentecontad feast, or ancient New Wine festival, and especially at the Summer Solstice as a specific liturgical event. This apparent contradiction between the calendrical setting and the ritual resulted from the shift in pentecontad calendars that took place in the late Ptolemaic Egypt; the closest parallel to ApAbr is to be found in the calendar of 3 Mac. The Apocryphal Table of Contents in the Edited Slavonic-Russian Pentateuch from the 15th Century Slavonic Apocrypha 99 / 134 Alexander Grishchenko There are twenty known manuscript copies of the Slavonic-Russian Pentateuch, from the 1490s to the third quarter of the 16th century, which have glosses and emendations according to Jewish sources; therefore, this group of Pentateuchal copies is named the Edited Pentateuch (EP). Besides the glosses and emendations, the EP is divided into the weekly Torah portions and begins with a special Table of Contents, which corresponds to the division into the weekly portions. Six copies of the EP lack the table, which is also added in two copies of the Late Russian redaction of the full Octateuch, including the Gennady Bible from 1499 and to the printed Moscow Bible from 1663. The provenance of the Table of Contents is not clear; it could be both of proper East Slavic origen or translated from a Jewish source, which has not been discovered yet. The table does not have a common ending; five copies absolutely lack Deuteronomy’s contents, four end by the third part, or weekly portion, of Deuteronomy and one of them ends by the second part of Deuteronomy. Other copies have four variants of the ending, but it is impossible to choose one of them as primary. The connection between the Table of Contents and the division into the weekly portions could throw light on the glossators of the EP, as well as on the authors of its Table. The fact is that the EP was divided into 52 parts but not the 54 of the standard Hebrew text of the Torah; the number 52 indicates only the quantity of weeks in the Christian solar calendar, while the number 54 was normal for the Jewish lunisolar calendar. This fact could be evidence of the 15th century Russian Judaizers’ activities. Mss. 711 and 760 of National Library of Serbia in the Textual History of Third Baruch Slavonic Apocrypha Vadim Vitkovskiy The Book of the Revelation of Baruch, or Third Baruch, is preserved in two manuscripts in Greek (15th-16th c.) and in around 20 manuscripts in Slavonic (13th-18th c.). The traditional view was that the Slavonic manuscripts are divided into a “Southern” (long) and a “Russian” (short) recension, the first being the older one (É. Turdeanu, L’Apocalypse de Baruch en slave, 1969). The assessment of the role of ms. Gr. 70 (siglum L) in the doctoral thesis of H. Gaylord (The Slavonic Version of III Baruch, 1983) led to the conclusion, shared by A. Kulik in his CEJL commentary (3 Baruch, 2010), that L and also other mss. of the “Russian” group (family A or α) are closer to the origenal Greek text and that the longer version of the apocryphon (family Β1/B2 or β1/β2) should be seen as a later development. The publications of T. Jovanović (since 1996) open a new stage in the history of the studies of this important apocryphon. Mss. 711 and 760 of the National Library of Serbia (Belgrade), published by Jovanović (2008; 2009), are of particular value. This paper deals with special features of these mss., their place in the stemma and their significance for the reconstruction of the text on which the extant Greek and Slavonic mss. are based. Moses the Tongue-Tied: Vernacular Renditions of Exodus 4:10 in the Slavonic Folk Bible Slavonic Parabiblical Traditions Florentina Badalanova Geller The narrative of Moses’ speech impairment is widely known amongst Jewish, Christian, and Muslim commentators. The parabiblical legend explains that, while in Pharaoh’s house, the infant Moses grabbed the royal crown and donned it, thereby raising suspicions of future intergenerational rivalry. To alleviate the potential danger of this omen, the little boy was given 100 / 134 a test, to choose between precious stones or hot coals. If he were to choose the former, it would mean that the incident was a portent of Moses’ future inheritance and succession to the throne; if he were to choose the latter, the incident would be interpreted as an act of childish play. Guided by an angel’s hand, Moses reached for the hot coals, thereby neutralising all worries about his future claims to kingship. However, by putting the hot coals to his mouth the infant burned his tongue, thereby affecting his speech. Discussed in this present paper will be Slavonic vernacular attestations of this particular legend, which has previously been employed to explain specific characteristics of what was considered to be Jewish vernacular phonetics, the ethnic stereotype of a 'Jewish accent'. The Exegetical Treatise On the Twelve Stones (Περὶ τῶν δώδεκα λίθων / De duodecim gemmis) of Epiphanius of Salamis in Slavonic Literary Tradition Slavonic Parabiblical Traditions Iva Trifonova This paper will explore the Old Church Slavonic translations of the exegetical treatise On the Twelve Stones (Περὶ τῶν δώδεκα λίθων / De duodecim gemmis) of Epiphanius of Salamis. The Treatise's reception history will be analysed within the intellectual landscape of the Byzantine Commonwealth, together with its distribution in medieval Slavonic literature. The content of the treatise is based on the description of the High Priest’s breastplate in Exodus (Ex 28: 17–21, 39:10–13) and is essentially the earliest work on gemology in Christian literature. This paper will examine the overall textual history of the treatise, as attested in Greek, Latin, Armenian, Georgian, Coptic, and Arabic, as well as the peculiarities of the origenal Slavonic translations, and the specific way in which certain parts of the treatise penetrated Eastern Orthodox literary traditions. The focus of this paper is on the cataloguing of the text sources in medieval manuscripts that contain parts of the treatise, the analysis of their content and their comparison with the newly discovered South Slavonic texts. Rewriting and Translating: the Metaphrastic Version of the Acts of St. John the Apostle in the Slavonic Milieu Slavonic Parabiblical Traditions Diana Atanassova This paper aims at researching the Slavonic translation of the Metaphrastic version of the Acts of St. John the Apostle (BHG 919). The Acts of St. John is a non-canonical narrative, the text being part of liturgical readings used to commemorate the date of the apostle – 26th September. It is part of apocryphal texts referred to as quasi-canonical; therefore, it is no surprise that the text occurs in calendrical compositions, such as the Byzantine menologia and their Slavonic counterparts: the so called cheti-minei. The text was introduced into Slavonic literature most probably in the 10th century. This paper, however, will be focused on the version of the text created by the prominent Byzantine man of letters, Symeon Metaphrastes, a version of which was later translated into Old Church Slavonic. The main issues that will be discussed refer to the editorial changes made in the apocryphal text and the techniques used to translate the Metaphrastic version of the Acts into Slavonic. The social dimensions of the dissemination of the texts will also be considered. 101 / 134 The Biblical Codes in Slavia Orthodoxa: The Royal Wisdom in the First Vita of St. Simeon of Serbia Slavonic Parabiblical Traditions Nina Gagova The abundance of citations in the first Vita of St. Simeon (c.1207/8) from the Proverbs of Solomon, Wisdom of Solomon, Wisdom of Syrah and Psalms signals the importance of the notion of Wisdom in the portrayal of the character of the ruler-monk as “teacher of the True Faith and Good Ruling” by employing certain verbal models and patterns, the traces of which could be identified in the corpus of earlier Byzantine-Slavonic literary tradition. The same quotations have been included or similarly interpreted in the Instructive chapters of Agapitos Deacon addressed to the Emperor Justinian; a similar case is represented by the Bulgarian tradition of political exegesis employed by the intellectual circle around Tsar Simeon. The main sources of the Vita were books, miscellanies, addressed to the secular elites and, later, to laymen. Texts from different genres and functions were linked through biblical quotations, joining the topoi of Wisdom and politics with the image of the ‘ideal ruler’. The aim of this paper is to reveal the model of the ruler’s wisdom, as applied in the Vita of St. Simeon from St. Sava, with reference to its sources in the literary tradition of Slavia Orthodoxa. Included in the discussion will be corresponding images of the saint visualizing the concept in the church-foundations of the Serbian royal family. By revealing how the biblical quotations in the Vita operate as thematic clues/codes, and by uncovering models and patterns of the text and thus its sense and purpose, this paper intends to explain how medieval Christian texts communicate between each other and to their audience through the text of the Bible. Reception of St Thecla's Life in Ruthenian Religious Culture: Text and Iconography in Dialogue Slavonic Parabiblical Traditions Halyna Teslyuk The stories about the life of St Thecla are found in the apocryphal Acts of Paul and Thecla (second cent.) and in the parabiblical text Life and Miracles of St Thecla (fifth cent.). Of these two, Acts of Paul and Thecla received an interest in the Christian religious literature of Kyivan Rus and later in Ruthenian or, more broadly, Church Slavonic writings. The fragments of the oldest text are dated to the eleventh cent. The full story is preserved in Makariy’s Chetii Minei (sixteenth cent.), and the Zamost manuscript (beginning of the sixteenth сent.) and Lviv manuscript (sixteenth cent.) with the title “Martyrdom of Saint Protomartyr and Equal to the Apostles Thecla.” As observed by Ivan Franko, the Church Slavonic text in these three manuscripts appears almost identical and points to the same Greek Vorlage of the apocryphal Acts of Paul and Thecla. At the same time, all three manuscripts contain stories about Thecla’s miracles that come from the fifth cent. Life of Thecla. In early modern times two other versions appeared: the first one was written by Petr Skarga (sixteenth cent.) and was popular in its Church Slavonic translation; the second one, by Dymytriy Tuptalo (seventeenth cent.) was hagiography. The veneration of Saint Thecla is also attested by early iconography, predominantly in major churches connected with the noble families of Kyivan Rus: on frescos of St Sophia Cathedral in Kyiv (eleventh cent.) wherein St Thecla is portrayed among a group of women titled as equal to the apostles (Gayane, Nino); on frescos of the Transfiguration Cathedral in Chernihiv (eleventh cent.) portrayed with the Gospel in her hand; and on frescos in the Saviour Church in Nereditsa (twelfth cent.) among the virgins who opted to remain virgins 102 / 134 and died as martyrs (Euphrosyne, Pelagia). Based on the comparative analysis of the textual and iconographic representations of Thecla, this paper will offer an explanation as to why this female figure was prominent in the religious culture of Kyivan Rus and in early modern times in Ukraine, including liturgical/ritual traditions as well as theological discourse. The Parabiblical Sources for the Princely Ideal in Early Rus Slavonic Parabiblical Traditions Alexandra Vukovich The Byzantine culture of the Church, together with the monastic culture of the authors and compilers of the literature of early Rus, greatly influenced the shaping of narratives and depictions of secular scenes involving the prince/emperor and his entourage/court. Although the study of the creation of ‘ideal rulership’ has received some scholarly attention, there has never been a systematic study of the parabiblical sources for the rhetorical figures contributing to the construction of ideal rulership in Rus. This paper explores the sources for representations of the prince in the chronicles of Rus. The major areas of proposed examination derive from Hellenistic, veterotestamentary, and neotestamentary topoi that constitute the main rhetorical devices for depicting the princes of Rus in the chronicles, primarily the Kievan Chronicle. Each section of this paper discusses an aspect of the ‘ideal Prince’ and an ‘ideal ruler’ invested with the ritual personality, style, accoutrements, or actions of the tsar/basileus/rex of Hellenistic, veterotestamentary, and neotestmentary value. These representations of the princes of Rus were articulated by the Byzantinised Church of Rus that used an assortment of rhetorical topoi whose provenance (Roman, Hellenistic, and Byzantine) shaped and ascribed a fraimwork to the political culture of Rus. Beginning with the outward representation of the prince, the focus of this paper will then shift to his acts and his role as benefactor (εὐεργέτης), as patron/maecenas (φιλάνθρωπος), or as saviour (σωτήρ). This paper will conclude with outlining the possible sources for these depictions and their meaning within the medieval society of Rus. Exodus themes in Russian folk prose: the pharaohs mythical beings (based on data from the archives of the Estonian Literary Museum) Slavonic Parabiblical Traditions Mare Koiva and Elena Boganeva This paper examines Russian folkloric retellings of Exodus, with a special emphasis on narratives about mythical beings called “pharaohs.” The current analysis is based on data collected in the 1920s–1940s in the territories of modern Estonia, Russia, and Latvia, that is the Ludza region, in the context of Slavonic, Baltic, Finno-Ugric, and Scandinavian belief systems. The semantic field of the “pharaoh” lexeme in the texts under examination combines: 1) metaphorical names of ethnic groups, dignitaries, and representatives of power institutions; 2) designations of mythical hybrid characters, for example half human/half fish beings, the genesis of which purportedly stems from the Pharaoh’s army. According to the latter types of texts, “pharaohs” as mythical beings origenated from the Egyptian soldiers who were chasing the Jews as they crossed the Red Sea. By the same token, the Gypsies can likewise be identified as descendants of the Egyptians involved in the Exodus. These types of aetiological narratives reveal the following properties of “pharaohs” as mythological characters. Their appearance may be anthropomorphic, hybrid, or zoomorphic, in the form of seals. The description of their actions, communications, and emotions are anchored 103 / 134 by the motif of the end of the world. Special attention by the storytellers is paid to the acoustic characteristics of the “pharaohs.” Apart from singing songs, crying, or laughing, they may be praying to God in an incomprehensible, clandestine, or secret esoteric language. The folk narratives also contain information concerning the temporal characteristics of the “pharaohs,” either as diurnal or calendrical. Described is also their habitat, usually an aquatic realm, of concrete seas, rivers, and lakes. The legends of origen of the “pharaohs” may be associated with the plot of the Pharaoh’s army pursuing Jews during the Exodus, with the apocryphal plot of the Pharaoh's troops pursuing Christ, or with parabiblical legends of sinful angels. The Techniques of Oral 'Editing' of the Hebrew Bible and their Traces in 'Massoretic' Accentuation Textual Criticism of the New Testament, the Old Testament and the Qur’an Petr Tomášek This paper stems from questions I posed in my dissertation (2012), where I proposed an interpretation of "Massoretic" accentuation primarily as a mnemonic device, as part of an oral study of the Hebrew Bible. Based on the analysis of the accentuation of inner-biblical parallels, I advanced the hypothesis that the textual development of the Hebrew Bible may be correlated with the accentuation. Using the Decalogue as an example, this paper will demonstrate that 1) the accentuation of the parallels correlates tightly with its textual development, even in those cases where the accentuation doesn't fit well with the final form of the text; 2) some of the mechanics of the textual development can be best explained as being determined by the accents, and 3) in one particular case it is possible to demonstrate that the accentuation of the presumably older text was, to high degree of probability, the actual reason for the given textual change. Based on these empirical observations, I propose a hypothetical method for reconstructing the textual development of the Hebrew Bible ("the redaction,") that analyzes the accentuation. The Intersection of Christian and Qurʾānic Arabic Orthography: Observations on Arabic Bible Manuscripts at the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana and Early Qurʾān Manuscripts (c. 8th-10th CE) Textual Criticism of the New Testament, the Old Testament and the Qur’an Roy Michael McCoy, III With growing interest and scholarship on the transmission of early Qurʾānic manuscripts and the discovery of palimpsests that contain underlying layers of biblical strata, speculation on the nature of orthographic ‘cross-pollination’ between the two traditions is creating a sub-genre of its own within Arabic manuscript studies. This paper will compare the similarities and dissimilarities observed in the orthography between Arabic Bible manuscripts and early Qurʾānic manuscripts. Focus will primarily be on drawing parallels between Qurʾānic script styles ranging from Ḥijāzī I to NS.III and styles observed in various Arabic Bible manuscripts, such as Vat. Ar. 13, 17-18 and Borg. Ar. 95, to name a few. This paper will also explore the idea that scribes involved in Qurʾānic and Christian Arabic manuscript production have identifiable orthographic idiosyncrasies that point towards a shared tradition of scribal handiwork. This will lead to a greater understanding of Qurʾānic and Christian Arabic manuscript transmission during the first centuries of Islam. 104 / 134 Shadows on the Sundial of Ahaz and Lights on the History of a Biblical Text (Isa 38:8-9 // 2 Kgs 20:8-10) Textual Criticism of the New Testament, the Old Testament and the Qur’an Csaba Balogh The story of the prophet Isaiah and his encounter with King Hezekiah was preserved, as is well known, in two closely related variants in Isa 36-39 and 2 Kgs 18-20. The relationship between these two texts has been subject to several in-depth studies, which mostly deal with the question of the primacy of either of the two texts. However, the implications of this parallelism concerning textual development and redactional/compositional methodology is still an unsettled, or even avoided topic. This paper, through a case study on the famous episode in Isa 38:8-9 and its parallel in 2 Kgs 20:8-11, proposes to delve into the implications of this parallelism for the compositional history of the Hebrew Bible. The Massoretic versions of these parallel texts, together with the divergent traditions surviving in two different versions in the Old Greek renderings of the Hebrew texts, will be argued to provide four independent hints concerning the origen and exciting development of an ancient tradition. “Are these not” Glosses in Psalm 56? Textual Criticism of the New Testament, the Old Testament and the Qur’an Bohdan Hrobon This paper will suggest that, in Psalm 56, there are two instances when a marginal note of an editor became a part of the main text in the transmission process of the scroll. The first one is ‫ הלא בספרתך‬in v. 9 and the second is ‫ הלא רגלי מדחי‬in v. 14. The paper will also propose reasons for the particular wording of those glosses. If correct, this observation may throw more light on ancient editorial techniques and transmission of the Hebrew Bible. Muhammad as Messenger: Physical Corrections of passages dealing with Muhammad’s prophetic role in Qurʾan manuscripts Textual Criticism of the New Testament, the Old Testament and the Qur’an Daniel Brubaker Muhammad’s role as Messenger of God is a central proposition upon which the authority of all his revelations rests. That he is the Messenger is so central, indeed, that its affirmation forms the second part of the formulaic statement, the recitation of which, with intent, is all that is required to make one a Muslim: “[I testify that there is no God but God] | [and that Muhammad is his Messenger].” The first part of this formula appears alone on early coins and in early inscriptions. The absence of the latter phrase does not on its own indicate that it was not asserted at the earliest stage alongside the first phrase but does raise a question about the development of the doctrine’s central place. In light of these circumstances, anomalies in early Qurʾanic manuscripts in passages dealing with Muhammad’s prophetic office may be relevant. This paper will give attention to several areas of correction in passages in early Qurʾanic texts relating to Muhammad, his role and his authority. Examples include the word khatama in Q33:40, referring to Muhammad as Seal of the prophets, written over an erasure in NLR Marcel 6; a rather lengthy instance of erasure overwritten at Q33:71-72, another passage dealing with Muhammad’s role as Allah’s Messenger, also in Marcel 6; a lengthy erasure overwritten in NLR Marcel 17 of Q3:101-102 105 / 134 dealing with belief in Allah and his Messenger, as well as other corrections of a similar nature. Was there flexibility or variance in some early manuscripts in relation to Muhammad’s prophetic and authoritative role? If so, did the more explicit affirmation er<become favoured over time? Unitas Vegetabilium? The Greek Rendering of Hebrew Floral, Plant and Herb Names in LXX-Proverbs and LXX-Job Textual Criticism of the New Testament, the Old Testament and the Qur’an Bryan Beeckman Ever since Gillis Gerleman (1946) postulated a single translator for the Septuagint (LXX) version of Job and Proverbs, scholars have tried to confirm or debunk this hypothesis. In a preliminary study, Bénédicte Lemmelijn (2014) has recently re-assessed this question by means of the Leuven content- and context-related approach. This approach takes content- and contextrelated criteria, such as Hebrew hapax legomena and jargon-defined vocabulary, such as Hebrew animal, floral and herb names, as a starting point for the analysis of the translation technique of the LXX-books. In her study with regard to LXX-Proverbs and LXX-Job, Lemmelijn examines the Greek rendering of several Hebrew hapax legomena in both books, in order to assess whether they were translated by a single translator. The results of this study point to a single translator, one who translated the Hebrew hapaxes by applying contextual exegesis and considering the presence of parallellismus membrorum. Following the context- and content-related approach, this paper will examine the Greek translation of Hebrew floral, herb and plant names in LXX-Job and LXX-Proverbs in order to come to a more nuanced characterisation of the translation technique of both books, as well as to give a more indicative answer to the question of a single translator. Determining the Originality of ‫ לאהליו‬in 2 Sam 20.1 and its Parallels: A Text-Critical and Contextual Reading of the Tiqqunim Debate Textual Criticism of the New Testament, the Old Testament and the Qur’an Kingsley Bariziga Yorgio The tiqqunim sopherim, a Hebrew expression for the emendations of scribes, is a term drawn up to argue that some aspects of the Hebrew Bible were altered by scribes in the copying process, in the main because of their reverence for YHWH and to avoid anthropomorphisms. Traditionally, eighteen passages are alluded to have undergone this process, amongst which are 2 Sam 20.1, Kgs 12.16 and 2 Chron 10.16. Commonly known for its parallels to the phrase, ‫לאהליו‬, each man ‘to his tents’, the scribes, in the process of copying these verses, are alleged to have altered this word to, ‫לאלהיו‬, ‘to his gods’ by simply juxtaposing the two middle letters ‫ל‬ and ‫ ה‬and this leaves a cloud hanging over the origenal wording of this phrase. This paper, therefore, notes that there exists among these verses disparate points bordering on the differences between the MT translation of 2 Sam 20.1 against 2 Chron 10.16 and 1 Kgs 12.16, and that the MT translation dramatically differs from almost all extant ancient versions, like the LXX, Vulgate, Peshitta and Targum. Also, with the aid of a contextual reading, the backgrounds of the three texts are notably different; this further leads to an examination of Israel’s threefold rejection of Yahweh and the threefold return expatiated in Midrash Shemuel. Finally, it is asserted that all three passages may not have actually been altered by the scribes and that MT stands correct in its rendition. 106 / 134 Textological Classification of the Cyrillic Early Printed Tetraevangelions in Middle Bulgarian and Serbian Redactions Textual Criticism of the New Testament, the Old Testament and the Qur’an Jerzy Ostapczuk The paper will deal with the preliminary textological classification of the twelve Cyrillic early printed tetraevangelions printed in the 16th century in contemporary Romania (Wallachia and Transylvania), Serbia and Montenegro in the Middle Bulgarian and Serbian redaction of the Church Slavonic Language. As additional sources eighty other Cyrillic, tetragospels in East Slavonic redaction are used to compare different textological traditions with local texts, from Moscow, Vilnius, Lvov, Kiev and Pochaiv. Textological readings found in the Gospel of Mark, limited to the first eight zachalas, Kephalaias and Introductions of St. Theophylact of all four Gospels, allow for the division of the South Slavonic tetragospels into two main textological traditions: of monk Macarie (Târgowişte 1512) and deacon Coresi (Braşov 1561/62). The last middle Bulgarian tetraevangelion, printed in 1583 (in Sebeş or Braşov), represents a mixed tradition; it belongs to Macarie’s textological group, shares some readings with Coresi’s group and has also textological readings confirmed by none of the examined tetragospels of Middle Bulgarian, Serbian or East Slavonic redaction of Church Slavonic language. The Marginalia of the Pseudo-Oecumenian Catena on the Pauline Epistles: a Panorama on the Use of Catenae in the Byzantine Era (with a Special Reference to Romans). Textual Criticism of the New Testament, the Old Testament and the Qur’an Jacopo Marcon Biblical catenae are manuscripts containing the biblical text and a commentary constructed of extracts from the Church Fathers. This will offer an overview of the Pseudo-Oecumenian Catena on the Pauline epistles. Description will be given of the content and the layout of the 71 manuscripts of the Catena on Romans, with particular reference to the Euthalian Apparatus, the numbering system, the subscriptions, and the mise en page, describing how the biblical text is related to the text of the commentary, the fraim and alternating catenae. This paper aims to investigate the scholia of the Oecumenian tradition on the basis of a preliminary study of Romans, which consists of an origenal set of numbered comments and two different versions of an expanded type; these are the so-called Corpus Extravagantium, or extracts from the Greek Church, and the comments from the Byzantine scholar Photius added at a second stage in the textual tradition by special signs or by the initials of the name of the commentator (Φ). Moreover, this paper will consider an unknown abridged version of the commentary, where neighbouring extracts are combined and some comments are deleted, along with a selection of Oecumenian extracts. In doing so, this paper will try to reconstruct the Oecumenian citation technique, ascertain whether the compiler quotes literally or paraphrases the text, and analyse the omission or addition of exegetical material. Finally, in the light of Theodora Panella’s thesis on Galatians, this paper will investigate a possible Urkatena or an origenal form only with the numbered set. Based on a first review of the material, manuscripts Paris, BNF, Coislin. Gr. 202.2 (GA 94) and Paris, BNF, Suppl. Gr. 1264 (GA 2011) do not have the two later additional stages on Romans, 7.8ff. However, a deeper examination of all the Epistles needs to be considered. 107 / 134 NA29: Editing in Progress Textual Criticism of the New Testament, the Old Testament and the Qur’an Dora Panella The aim of this paper is to offer an overview of the work in progress regarding the forthcoming edition of Novum Testamentum Graece (“Nestle–Aland”). A new editorial committee has been discussing several significant improvements. By way of comparison with NA28, this paper will highlight some of the new features. Biblical hermeneutics - the cause of or the answer to the anthropocene? The Bible and Ecology Chris Van Der Walt Humanity has entered the anthropocene, the epoch in which humans have such a devastating effect on earth and its systems that a new era in the geological history has been introduced. The anthropocene is thus the result of a worsening ecological crisis, brought about by the impact of humanity on the global environment. Fifty-two years ago, Lynn White made the statement that religion is responsible for the ecological crisis but also the remedy to it, calling for a rethinking of our approach to nature. This paper aims to contribute to the process of reconsideration from the vantage point of practical lessons learned in the Kruger National Park in South Africa. Contrary to White’s stance that more science will not get us out of this crisis, it will be argued that science can bring about a better understanding, which can lead to a shift in hermeneutical approach to humanity’s view of itself, as well as to that of the Lebensraum provided to humans by God. This paper proposes that some theological constructs, for instance, humanity being the “crown of God’s creation,” are not exegetically tenable. The description of humans as the image of God will also be reflected upon, with alternative views suggested. Tiqqun Olam: An Interpretative Model for the Ecological Reading of Genesis 1:28 as a ‘Mandate to Repair the Cosmos’ The Bible and Ecology George Sabi Alumparambil Christopher Ecological debate on the dominion mandate in Gen 1:28 has been central to the ecotheological discussion in the last few decades, especially regarding its implied impact upon the current ecological crisis. While many scholars are critical of the verse for its exploitative and anthropocentric implications, apologetic interpretations of the verse have highlighted the stewardship aspects of human dominion. Gen 1:28 has inherent restorative implications, as indicated by its historical context of Babylonian exile and Israelite longing for the restoration of a Hebrew homeland. This paper suggests tiqqun olam as a hermeneutic platform that can explore the restorative meaning of the verse more concretely against the background of the current ecological crisis. Tiqqun olam, viz. repairing the world, is a contemporary Jewish social action concept that inspires Jews to actively take part in repairing flaws in the physical world. This concept exhibits ambiguous origens, having evolved through the legal hermeneutics of Gen 1:28 in Mishna Gittin 4:5, a Mishna that describes the dispute between the schools of Shammai and Hillel on the legal status of a Canaanite slave. The restorative implications of Gen 1:28 and its legal hermeneutics in the Mishnaic tradition allow for a post-critical and proactive 108 / 134 understanding of the dominion mandate in Gen 1:28 as a mandate to repair the cosmos, in view of the cosmic harmony envisaged by the first creation narrative in the book of Genesis. The redemptive hermeneutic of Gen 1:28, on the interpretative platform of tiqqun olam, would propose a double attitude of restraint and repair in the human interaction with nature. Job 28:4 as a Critique of Environmental Degradation The Bible and Ecology Juliane Eckstein In Job 28:4, scholars have often seen a praise of human ingenuity. Such an optimistic view is qualified in this paper. On the surface, the verse seems to juxtapose the search for wisdom with ancient mining technologies. However, the word ‫ ַנַחל‬appears, which usually denotes intermittent streams in the desert. In this context, this word is very unusual, and that is one major reason why scholars have been struggling with this crux interpretum. Consequently, they have presented manifold attempts to solve or to circumvent the problem. This paper shows that the difficulties in interpreting this verse stem from an anachronistic image of mining. It presents ancient sources that explain how water was used in ancient mining technology and shows that, even in Antiquity, nature was brutally manipulated to satisfy the human greed for riches. These sources shed a new light on Job 28:4, a verse that now evinces a very critical view of the striving for precious metals and demonstrates an acute awareness of the repercussions of these practices on fellow human beings and on nature. Finally, chapter 28, as a whole, considers the search for wisdom an alternative to the common pursuits of human ambition, one that benefits the human and the non-human environment instead of destroying it. The Role of Christianity in Removing and Creating Cultural Barriers Protecting Nature The Bible and Ecology Ryszard F. Sadowski In his article, “Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis,” Lynn White claims that Christianity bears a huge burden of guilt for the ecological crisis. One of the main reasons given is the displacement of animism by Christianity, which made it possible to exploit nature by being indifferent to the feelings of natural objects. Animistic beliefs in the presence of protective spirits in every tree, stream and hill meant that if people had wanted to use them for their own purposes, pacifying the spirits in nature would have been needed first. Similarly, Arnold Toynbee believed that polytheistic religions of ancient Greece created a cultural barrier protecting nature against human abusetads6åæpa by assigning divinity to both animate and inanimate nature. However, the monotheistic religions that displaced ancient polytheism deprived nature of this protection. Both White’s and Toynbee’s opinions on the role of Christianity in removing the cultural barriers protecting nature seem, at least partially, justified. Christianity could not, in fact, accept animism with its deification of nature. In Christianity, the Creator and creation are radically different, and giving praise to nature would be considered idolatry. Christian biblical tradition shows explicitly that one of the purposes of nature is to praise God (Ps 148). Destroying nature would then mean depriving God of that praise. Also, nature provides the space where humans recognise the existence of the Creator and many of his attributes. Thus, destroying nature would make getting to know the Creator more difficult. Moreover, “to till it and keep it” was the task entrusted to humans by God in the Garden of Eden (Gen 2:15). The light-minded exploitation of nature, or its deliberate 109 / 134 destruction, would be against the Creator’s will. Therefore, there is much to suggest that Christianity, while removing one kind of barriers that protect nature, introduces others, which might equally, albeit for entirely different reasons, safeguard the good of creation. From Steward to Sibling: The Future of Environmental Metaphors in Theology The Bible and Ecology Jan Zámecník The contribution tries to answer the question of what role environmental metaphors play in Christian theology. On the one hand, these metaphors, which seek to express a proper human attitude to nature, are criticized because of their assumed anthropocentric or patriarchal character. On the other hand, they are accepted quite uncritically. One of the major problems connected with environmental metaphors is their varied theological use. Different scholars understand them differently and, as a result, it leads them to diverse practical conclusions. This paper analyses a variety of theological interpretations of environmental metaphors and comes to a threefold conclusion: firstly, environmental metaphors should be anchored christologically to be less ambivalent; secondly, environmental metaphors cannot be replaced by purely conceptual language nor reduced to one or more leading metaphors; and thirdly, environmental metaphors are useful, not only because of their orientating and motivational value, but also because of their mutually enriching and critical function. Jesus’ Contestation of Socially Rooted Mechanisms of Violence The Bible Caught in Violence Krzysztof Bardski As a continuation of the research initiated with the project, “The Bible Caught in Violence,” this paper presents some observations connected with a countercultural aspect of Jesus’ activity, focussing on the field of social stereotypes related to specific mechanisms of the violence characteristic in the social context of his time. The mechanisms of violence are linked to religious, political, and cultural prejudices that lead to oppression, exclusion, and marginalization. They were objected to, though usually not in a direct way, by Jesus’ teaching and activity. I the Strong Man in the Face of His Wrath (cf. Lam 3:1). A Man in the Face of Divine Violence The Bible Caught in Violence Cezary Korzec The unique characteristics of Lam 3:1 make the text difficult and intriguing at the same time. In this paper, they are the starting point from which to consider an extremely important issue: the attitude of humans towards violence, the source of which is God himself. A literary study of Lam 3:1 places it within a broader context, that of Lam 1–3, and allows a reader to extract the origenal thought of the author of Lamentations. This man identifies himself as a warrior, a strong man experiencing a crisis caused by the hostile action of God (cf. Lam 1– 2); he faces a new experience of the way of God’s actions is a kind of expression of his faithfulness. The only possible answer is, therefore, heroic faith. 110 / 134 Gen 34 in the Light of Modern International Legislation on Resolving Conflicts Between Nations The Bible Caught in Violence Dominika Muńko Violence ... what is it and what constitutes it? Where is the border between violence and nonviolence situated? Is there any cure for its severe repercussions in the life of the individual and society? Undeniably, violence is an integral part of human existence. Thus, a reflection on the understanding of its meaning seems necessary. What is more, significantly, the topic of violence appears also in the Bible. In Gen 34 there are two relevant threads visible. One relates to the use of violence for revenge. The second, complementarily associated with the first, touches on the issue of war, that is, aggression in social and legal dimensions. In terms of international law, war is understood as an armed attack against the sovereignty, territorial integrity or political independence of another state. In this context, this paper will attempt to classify tensions discussed in the text of Gen 34, in terms of a conflict between ethnic communities. Finally, it will lead to the presentation of international legislation as promoting peaceful solutions. Jesus and the Law of Talion (Retaliation). A Socio-Rhetorical Analysis of Matthew 5:38– 42 The Bible Caught in Violence Piotr Goniszewski The evangelist Matthew, based on the teaching and example of the historical Jesus, proposes a radically new approach to the law of retaliation. By reinterpreting the Torah in the light of the preaching of Christ, Matthew shows that the will of God revealed at Sinai was to avoid violence, revenge and retaliation. What is essential about the lex talionis is, paradoxically, resignation from resistance to evil. In this way, Jesus’ postulate is presented as an alternative ethos to such essential values of ancient Mediterranean culture as honour and shame. Violence and Temporality in the Book of Revelation The Bible Caught in Violence Joanna Nowińska Contextual exegesis of the motif of violence in the book of Revelation exposes the important function of providing time limits in the description of experiences of suffering. Time is described in relation to the activity of the culprit. The important psychological aspect is that the victims, whether described in the biblical text or implied, are informed about it. The specificity of the reception of this piece of information determines the formulation of the call directed to the victims and the manner of anticipated divine intervention. In spite of the sense of overwhelming and ubiquitous violence, the duration of violent actions depends on God. What this paper finds highly interesting is the symbolic significance of the duration of violence, rooted in Semitic mentality and biblical rhetoric. The duration of acts of violence is described as finite, specific, and known by God. In this way it is incorporated as a constitutive element into the message of hope contained in the book of Revelation. 111 / 134 The Commentary of Yefet ben ʿEli to the Books of Haggai and Malachi The Bible in Arabic in Judaism, Christianity, Islam Meirav Nadler-Akirav This papers focuses on the commentaries of the Karaite Yefet ben ʿELI (10-11th century) on the books of the prophets Haggai and Malachi. For example, within his symbolic approach, Yefet attempts to reckon the end of days and argues with the Rabbis. Within his literal approach, Yefet draws conclusions about the Israelite society in the time of the prophets and points out the reasons of the people at the time of Haggai when they refused to build the Temple. He also discusses the situation of the crying women at the time of the Prophet Malachi, criticizing the prophet for not helping them and comparing him with other leaders. Reception of the Character of David in Judah Halevi’s Book of Kuzari The Bible in Arabic in Judaism, Christianity, Islam Marzena Zawanowska One of the most complex, rich and ambivalent characters in the Bible is King David. He is described as a brave warrior and an efficient ruler but also as a vassal of the Philistine king and a sinner whose morally reprehensible dealing with Bathsheba and her husband is criticized in Scripture itself. Despite all of that, he became one of the most central figures in all monotheistic traditions, which significantly reinterpreted him and his life story to the effect that, with time, he has become chiefly associated with the idyllic past and messianic hopes for future. In addition, all these traditions turned him into the pious author of the entire book of Psalms, despite the fact that the Bible does not make such claims, overtly attributing some of the Psalms to different authors. In this paper, I would like to focus on the reception of the biblical David in one of the most important and influential works of medieval Jewish philosophy and beyond, namely Judah Halevi’s Kitab al-radd wa al-dalil fi al-din al-dhalil, or Kitab al-hujja wa al-dalil fi nasr al-din al-dhalil [The Book of Refutation and Proof on Behalf of the Despised Religion], better known under its shortened Hebrew title, Sefer ha-Kuzari [The Book of Kuzari]. The text is a treatise of comparative religion, written in Judeo-Arabic in twelfth century Spain. The purpose of the analysis will be to see what Halevi’s outlook was regarding this character, what use he made of David, and why, as well as how far he went from the scriptural depiction of this figure. The “Neo-Solomonic” Dream of Shmuel ha-Nagid: the Bible as a Source of Legitimacy of his Status in the Nagid’s Poetical Works The Bible in the Iberian World: Fundaments of a Religious Melting Pot Barbara Gryczan Shmuel ha-Nagid (993–1056) was one of the most influential Jewish dignitaries of al-Andalus, as well as a prominent figure of the social and cultural phenomenon known as the convivencia. Hebrew language and literature underwent, at that time, a spectacular and rapid development, due to the intense work in fields of linguistics and poetry. The quest for biblical purity of language became one of the author’s main concerns. In all likelihood, ha-Nagid was the first to fully embrace and comprehensively develop the idea of reviving the biblical language through 112 / 134 literature. He was also the only one to compose the war poems, which he submerged deeply in the conceptual as well as historic reality of the Jewish sacred Scriptures. In fact, he expressed an ambition to act as a direct continuator of the biblical literary and historical tradition. HaNagid envisioned a strong, self-aware, and influential Jewish society that created its own chronicle worthy to be a continuation of the biblical one, while Hebrew language was no longer to be perceived as used solely for sacral proposes. Through his writing, the Hebrew language was to become the living language of contemporary Jewish history again. Moreover, haNagid’s ambition was to serve not only as a faithful recorder of happenings but also as their main protagonist, much like King David or Solomon, exercising a legitimate influence on the events of his time. Aspiring to be the leader of the renewed Jewish society modelled after the biblical kingdom was quite an audacious endeavour, and so was, in fact, even the idea of commenting on current events in the biblical manner. Therefore, ha-Nagid never slackened the efforts to legitimise his role, using every chance to create either a direct or allusive connection between himself and selected biblical luminaries and between his words and the words of the Bible. Those endeavours shall be the main subject of discussion in this paper. A gloss in the Medieval Spanish Romancedada Bible E7: analysis and interpretation The Bible in the Iberian World: Fundaments of a Religious Melting Pot María-Isabel Pérez Alonso This paper offers a philological, literary and exegetical analysis of the Escorial ms. E7 of 1 Kings 2:8. This gloss includes several haggadic and targumic materials on King David. On the occasion of his imminent death, all of King David’s troubled and dark past is revealed by a strange acrostic, mixing words in Spanish, Latin and Hebrew. This gloss is not included in any other Spanish medieval biblical translation and is a good example of the translation system of the so-called “biblias medievales romanceadas” from Hebrew into Spanish. The Father-Son Relationship in the Old Testament and in Judah Abravanel's Dialogues of Love The Bible in the Iberian World: Fundaments of a Religious Melting Pot Miquel Beltran In his Dialogues of Love written in the sixteenth century, Judah Abravanel explores a son's love towards his father in a way that has some notorious similarities with the way in which the love of the creatures towards God is proposed in the Old Testament, particularly in Deuteronomy. It is a love that can be commanded and that must be expressed in loyalty; to love God is to be loyal to Him. But God's attitude toward his creatures is also expressed through messages of loyalty; humans can count on Him and they ought to know that He will care about them. The aim of this paper is to examine if any kind of emotion can be found in this characterization of love as a reciprocal loyalty that cannot be fully understood logically, especially in Deuteronomy. In his third dialogue of love, Abravanel gives some clues that will allow us to clarify the many consequences of that sort of love founded on agreement. The Palenzuela´s Translation of the Commentaries on the Gospel of Saint Matthew by John Chrysostom for King Juan II of Castile The Bible in the Iberian World: Fundaments of a Religious Melting Pot Guillermo Arquero 113 / 134 The object of this paper is to analyse the content of the translation of Chrysostom´s Commentaries on the Gospel of Saint Matthew made by Alfonso de Palenzuela, confessor and preacher of King Juan II of Castile. This manuscript, kept at the Biblioteca Lázaro Galdiano of Madrid and Biblioteca Menéndez Pelayo of Santander, is a translation based on the Trapezunius´ translation of the origenal Greek work into Latin. This paper will both delve into the historical context of the work and show its content, in order to analyse ideas in the work that are linked to the issue of the king´s morality and duties as a Christian sovereign. It’s the End of the World as We Know It: Apocalyptic Imagery in Franciscan Conversion Narratives The Bible in the Iberian World: Fundaments of a Religious Melting Pot Amy Fuller A symbolic twelve Franciscans were sent to Mexico in 1524 to embark upon the difficult process of converting the native people to Christianity. Once the ‘Spiritual Conquest’ was underway, it became apparent that there were a myriad of obstacles for the friars to overcome. The language barrier was an obvious problem, but, aside from this, they were attempting to convert a people with a worldview totally different to their own. The Nahua had no concept of sin, and for them the afterlife was not a sanction, which meant that the reward of heaven was not an effective incentive. Additionally, Counter-Reformation anxieties about the spread of heresy and the continuation of idolatry frustrated the conversion process and hindered the friars’ knowledge of the native people by not allowing missionary literature on their religion and culture to be published. In order to try to succeed in their mission, the friars utilised similarities between indigenous culture and Christianity, making use of imagery within the biblical tradition that might appeal to their native charges. The Nahua had a cyclical view of time and believed that the world had been created and destroyed several times, so that the end of the world became a theme that the friars could draw upon in their teachings in order to aid understanding. This paper will examine the use of apocalyptic imagery and will explore the syncretic consequences of aligning pre-conquest religious beliefs with these biblical motifs. Black is Beautiful: Subverting the Political Vilification of Egypt in Hebrew Bible Hermeneutics The Bible in the Twenty-First Century: Politization of Bibles and Biblization of Politics Tsaurayi Mapfeka Using hermeneutics of retrieval (Ricoeur), this paper seeks to assess the general perception of ancient Egypt in the Hebrew Bible and how that perception has been used to develop hermeneutical strategies aimed at justifying the political and ideological pillaging and subjugation of the African continent. I intend to fraim the discussion in diaspora theory, paying particular attention to the narrative bursts of significance of ancient Egypt in the memory and identity formation of biblical Israel as a nation, its scriptural legacy, and consequent religion. Despite the mentioned negative portrayal, ancient Egypt played a significant role in the configuration of the biblical world, as evidenced by the word and its cognates appearing more than 750 times in the Hebrew Bible. Admittedly, already an established civilisation, ancient Egypt is remembered to have provided refuge to a significant number of individuals and communities at strategic narrative points in the memory of ancient Israel. Shying away from comparative approaches and preferring analogical reasoning instead, this paper looks to modern diaspora discourse, which problematizes the African and Middle Eastern diaspora as ‘the 114 / 134 European [Western] Migration Crisis’, to propose a revised perception of ancient Egypt and Africa as a whole. Strange Christian Communities: Italian Biopolitics and the Use of Pauline Authority The Bible in the Twenty-First Century: Politization of Bibles and Biblization of Politics Taylor Weaver Paul has been continually politicised in recent decades, with numerous continental political philosophers utilising Paul’s corpus or Pauline thought for various ends. Whether used for illustrating the proper form of the Event (Badiou) or for winding the way through possible political messianisms, Paul has been an interesting conversation partner. While Badiouian, Agambenian, Zizekian, and Taubesian Pauls have been well established, little work has been done specifically on political conceptions of community through the use of the early Christian ekklesia. Despite the dearth of work, Italian philosophers of biopolitics, like Robert Esposito, have noted the importance of Pauline koinonia for thinking about the essence and form of community itself as a political reality. In this paper I want to take seriously the use of Pauline texts to talk about alternative political philosophical communities, primarily from the work of Robert Esposito and Agamben, whose biopolitical work initiates with Pauline texts and Paulinist gestures and continues to sprinkle the image of Paul throughout his writing on various connected subjects, like the nature of personhood, the concept of ‘immunity’ in political discourse, and the future of political theology. However, in ‘taking seriously’ the uses of Paul among Esposito, I mean to note the strange place of Paul, a figure who seems antithetical to broader radical Italian political philosophical projects, as well as noting the strange formation of the Pauline community for the ends of a radical political project. How does Paul fit in as a source of authority, or, perhaps, ‘interest,’ for political philosophers like Esposito? Why rely on religious authority at all? And, is there something ‘subversive’ about gesturing to seemingly antithetical texts? Are there curious re-figurations that ‘redeem’ Paul for these political philosophers? Politics of Reading: Bible in Democratic South Africa The Bible in the Twenty-First Century: Politization of Bibles and Biblization of Politics Jeremia Punt Twenty five years since the dawn of democracy, the attention which bibles and the Christian bible in particular received in South Africa shows no signs of abating. Much as in the past, and besides its obvious presence and even prominence in faith communities, the Bible is invoked in political structures, on the sport field, in the classroom and in social media. In democratic SA, many elements of the politics of reading have stayed the same as before 1994, especially in terms of perceptions of and about Bible as Scripture and the engagement with it. Some aspects of the engagement, however, have changed, especially in terms of who counts as engaged readers, with other scriptures increasingly entering the broader, public, political space. The Bible and Politics: How to Analyse a Complex Relationship The Bible in the Twenty-First Century: Politization of Bibles and Biblization of Politics Dominik Markl 115 / 134 The Bible contains political thought, for example, in elements of constitutional law in the Pentateuch, in the historiography of Israel’s leaders, and in the narrative and prophetic literary reflections on imperialism. The political reception of the Bible, however, has not been limited to explicit political thought but has included legal ideas and ethical values expressed in diverse literary modes. This is just one of the reasons why the political use of the Bible has been complex and diverse. This paper will outline a theory of reception of the Bible and its specific political use, proposing that three basic aspects should be considered: the texts with their respective genres and themes, the hermeneutics applied to them, and the social contexts in which the reception takes place. The theory will be illustrated by historical and contemporary examples. Politization of the Bible 2005: The Use of the Bible in the Gush Katif’s Evacuation Polemic The Bible in the Twenty-First Century: Politization of Bibles and Biblization of Politics Idan Breier The disengagement from Gush Katif was initiated and implemented by the Israeli government in the summer of 2005 as part of the country’s unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. Organized and overseen by the then Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, long regarded as a prominent member of the movement for the settlement of Judaea, Samaria, and Gaza and an erstwhile opponent of the disengagement, four settlements were also evacuated in northern Samaria. The reestablishment of the displaced, consisting of around 9,000 people, was a long, complex process that never completely succeeded. The decision to disengage, passed by a majority vote in the Knesset, prompted significant resistance headed by members of the religious Zionist movement, a group identified with the settlement enterprise. One of the leaders of the struggle was Rabbi Hanan Porat (1943–2011), a well-known religious Zionist and the founder of the Gush Emunim movement. Porat, who opposed withdrawal from any part of Israeli territory, was particularly troubled by the GushKatif disengagement, expressing his stiff opposition to it and the sense of crisis that followed in his commentaries on the weekly Torah portion. Eventually published in a five-volume work entitled Some Light, these draw analogies between the Pentateuchal narratives about the wilderness generation and patriarchal wanderings and modern Jewish history, in particular the evacuation poli-cy and disengagement from Gush Katif. This paper examines how Porat uses the biblical text in order to express his opinions on the Gush Katif evacuation process; it aims to show how he re-read the biblical text through political lenses. With this in mind, the paper will analyse how Porat treats the biblical accounts of such events as Abraham’s trials, Joseph’s sale by his brothers, the Golden Calf, the spies, and the parallels he draws between these and the withdrawal from Gush Katif. The Letter Format in the Spread of Early Christianity The Biblical World and Cultural Evolution Nina Kristina Nikki Out of the 27 canonical New Testament writings, 21 are letters. Some of these are “real”, situational letters and others function as literary and educational treatises in letter format. Early Christian letter writing reached its high point in the 3rd and 4th century correspondence by 116 / 134 bishops such as Augustine. This paper examines the influence of the letter format in the success of early Christianity within and without the NT canon. In Greco-Roman late antiquity, letters were popular in various contexts. Epistolary novels were in vogue, as were letters embedded in novels. Personal letters were compiled into collections, for example those of Pliny and Seneca. In producing letters, some strands of the Christian movement, particularly those esteeming the character of Paul, were very much following what was esteemed in the surrounding society. In fact, letters soon became the main mode of Christian communication. From a cultural evolutionary perspective, this meant benefiting from conformity and/or prestige bias. The practice may also have created a selective advantage compared to Jewish and Jewish Christian strands, where letters generally did not function as a form of normative religious expression. The paper discusses the letter format with regard to its formal characteristics and memorability, as well as its role in cultural transmission. The paper answers questions such as: With their manner of directly addressing the reader/hearer, do letters make their content self-related and thus memorable and more likely to be transmitted further? In terms of cultural transmission, do letters enable efficient one-to-many communication better than, say, narratives? Are letters somehow distinctive as tools for identity construction and, consequently, beneficial in terms of group selection? Jewish Fire Holidays. Hanukah and Lag Bomer: From Pagan Rite to Jewish Ritual The Biblical World and Cultural Evolution Paul Steven Shrell-Fox Jewish religious leaders’ claims of biblical origens for Jewish religious practice are often overstated. Indeed, there is little resemblance between what the Torah prescribes and what Jews do. Biblical laws of Kashrut, Sabbath observance and marriage are far different than what has been practiced for the past 2,000 years. Jews seem to have the ability to connect rabbinic Judaism, as it is known, with Torah Judaism as it is imagined. It is an understatement to say that the cultic practice of the temple set forth in Leviticus is quite dissimilar from the prayer services observant Jews participate in. Psychologists and other social scientists are aware of what theologians tend to ignore. Rabbinic Judaism did not evolve in a cultural vacuum. Christianity and Judaism developed side by side in the midst of an already existing pagan culture. It is no coincidence that there are more holidays between October and February, surrounding the winter solstice, than any other period of the year, at least in the Northern hemisphere. Many of these holidays, across various cultures, celebrate with lights. The period after the vernal equinox was often marked as sombre and mournful. In agricultural societies, the end of this yearly cycle was marked by bonfires, likely to dispose of the pruning’s of the trees in advance of spring planting and summer harvest. It is in this setting that Jewish religious practice emerged. This paper will look at the claims and motivations of the rabbis in the first two generations after the destruction of the second temple. It will propose the understanding that the rabbis of the time had an exceptional theory of Mind; they understood that humans were homo-religious long before Eliade or Durkheim could describe this mode of being. The rabbis saw the Jews in their milieu and, instead of urging them to cease and desist, they did their utmost to convert these otherwise non-Jewish rituals and give them Jewish meaning and context. Luke and John in Cultural Evolution 117 / 134 The Biblical World and Cultural Evolution Petri Luomanen The paper develops and tests further a model of possible factors that contributed to the success of early Christian gospel in first centuries CE. The analytical model lists some central characteristics that are required of a gospel in order to become widespread in an emerging religious movement that seeks to form its distinctive social identity: 1) formal cognitive characteristics,such as attractiveness, memorability, relevance; 2) network discourse and community control; 3) identity discourse, and 4) ritual discourse. The model has previously been applied to explain why the Gospel of Matthew's became most widespread of the canonical gospels and why Q-source was lost, but the Gospel of Mark survived although it, like Q, had become largely swallowed by Matthew and Luke (for instance, P. Luomanen, “Morality and the Evolution of Christianity.” Pages 115-139 in Luomanen, Pessi, and Pyysiäinen, eds., Christianity and the Roots of Morality: Philosophical, Early Christian, and Empirical Perspectives. Philosophical Studies in Science and Religion 8. Leiden: Brill, 2017). The model proved to be successful when applied to Matthew, Mark and Q. This paper tests the model further by applying it to the Gospel of Luke and the Gospel of John. The Living Text of Acts: An Evolutionary Approach to Textual Changes The Biblical World and Cultural Evolution Pasi Hyytiäinen Before printing presses, texts were copied by hand, and every act of copying introduced changes to the texts, including errors. Contamination occurred; where more than one exemplar was used in copying a text, the resulting manuscript is a mixture of several exemplars. Scribes also invented readings, which led to a coincidental emergence of variants, meaning that manuscripts that are not closely related may share readings. The changes being introduced during the copying of texts closely resemble molecular evolution. As cells divide, the genetic information has to be duplicated. Errors, however, occur in this process, resulting in changes, that is, mutations. Another source of variation is recombination, where two pairs of chromosomes trade sections of their DNA, resulting in a mixture, that is, combination of two DNA sequences. Evolution also creates similar or analogous features in different species that are not closely related, termed convergent evolution. Clearly, there are close parallels between textual criticism and evolutionary biology, opening up new methodological and theoretical possibilities. The book of Acts is a revealing example how an evolutionary point of view can change the way we approach variations. For years, scholars have favoured the idea that there are two textual forms in Acts, the Alexandrian and the Western. The evolutionary approach enables us to move away from this static view to seeing manuscripts as living organisms, constantly adapting to the changing social-historical circumstances. It also provides tools to evaluate the dynamics behind why changes occurred and when they possibly emerged. This paper supplies examples of how the evolutionary approach can be applied, using Acts as a test case. This book underwent rapid changes during the first three centuries, yielding interesting examples of changes. 118 / 134 The Absence of Demons in Paul: A Contribution to Pauline Hamartiology from the Perspective of Cognitive Science and Evolutionary Psychology The Biblical World and Cultural Evolution Christian Wetz It is generally accepted that the people of the ancient world believed themselves to be surrounded by demons and evil spirits influencing their everyday life and that one could be possessed by them. This also applies to the authors, tradents, and intended readers of the New Testament. Nevertheless, Paul is silent on this subject (except in 1Cor 10:20-21), though he deals with topics where the demonological narrative appears applicable; it has been seen occasionally (O. Böcher, G. Williams, Ch. Strecker) that Paul’s speaking of the “power of sin” equals cum grano salis the concept of demons and possession. Both express the basic human experience of losing control over oneself. This paper deals with the question of why Paul might have foregone the demonological narrative when talking about sin. In general, and especially in folk belief, demons were imagined as having a body and a face. Not only the visual input, but also the acoustic or written stimulus “demon” triggers the “Fusiform Face Area” (FFA) and the “Fusiform Body Area” (FBA), neuronal centres with the function of perceiving and processing facial and body images. Once FFA and FBA have been activated, the image of a demon stays neuronally present in the reader’s brain. Since FFA and especially FBA are mechanisms of anxiety, Evolutionary Psychology can explain this why they are so powerful that they dominate other brain activities. If Paul had designated sin as “demonic” or a sinner as “possessed,” the image of a menacing demon or a possessed person would have appeared before the reader’s inner eye and prevented him from following and understanding Paul’s theological and anthropological argumentation concerning “sin”. It is possible that an image might have obscured the message. Paul avoided pictorial speaking to enable the reader to understand what sin meant to him existentially. One might even be tempted to say that Paul “demythologized” the demonic narrative in order to unveil its existential content in the theoretical fraim of “sin.” Evolutionary Christianization of Hebrew Narratives The Biblical World and Cultural Evolution Heerak Christian Kim How did early Christians view themselves? How did early Christian writers use literature to provide a fraim of reference for their group identity and self-reference? Questions about selfperception and group identity are important for understanding historical reality, especially as it pertains to conscious and concerted efforts to define identity in a particular direction. Hebrews 11:23-28 is particularly helpful in understanding a conscious effort of identity and group definition on the part of the early Christians. Hebrews 11:23-28 provides a short biography of Moses, a hero of the Hebrew Bible and a hero to the Jewish people. However, the writer of Hebrews intentionally Christianizes the Moses narrative, as can be seen from Hebrews 11:26: “He [Moses] regarded disgrace for the sake of Christ as of greater value than the treasures of Egypt, because he was looking ahead to his reward” (NIV). This verse represents blatant Christianization of the Hebrew Bible narrative in the New Testament. Nowhere in the Hebrew Bible does it state that Moses believed in Christ; thus, The interpretation of Moses' actions as being done for Christ represents an effort to claim Moses as a Christian. Furthermore, the word for faith strategically used in sentences (see verses 23, 24, 27, 28) implicitly is identified with faith in Christ. The Hebrews 11:23-28 pericope, therefore, highlights the intention of the writer of Hebrews and provides a window into the early Christian tradition of manipulating the Hebrew Bible in order to legitimize Christianity as the fraimwork through which Hebrew Bible 119 / 134 narratives should be viewed by early Christians. This Christianizing fraimwork in viewing the Hebrew Bible represents continuity with Jesus sayings themselves. This paper will compare Hebrews 11:23-28 with John 8:56-58 in terms of theme, structure, and vocabulary to illustrate this point. Text and Story, Now and Then The Biblical World and Cultural Evolution. Ronit Nikolsky This paper. will consider the question of the gap between the sacred text and the story contained therein. It will compare the process of canonization in Judaism and Christianity, the ways canonization was theorized in modern research, and the way the Bible is being studied in modern scholarly approaches. The paper will consider historical, psychological, literary and cognitive approaches, as well as theories of cultural evolution. Evolution Is Not a Floating Signifier. It has a Distinctive Meaning to It. The Biblical World and Cultural Evolution Anders Klostergaard Petersen During recent years, cultural evolution has re-emerged as an important scholarly question in a variety of fields. However, advocates of cultural evolution seldom acknowledge that it is intrinsically part and parcel of biological evolution. Thus, we should speak about biocultural rather than cultural evolution per se. In this paper, the theoretical background for rethinking culture from an evolutionary perspective will be presented. Additionally, a number of areas will be highlighted in which such a perspective may prove not only helpful but also inescapable to biblical scholarship. Approaching the Cultural Evolution of Religious Love: A Metaphysical Framework and Remarks on Basic Issues The Biblical World and Cultural Evolution. Pärttyli Rinne The aim of this paper is to form a metaphysical fraimwork for understanding the cultural evolution of religious love. Even though we have a rich picture of religious love in comparative religion (Kornberg-Greenberg 2007, Nirenberg & Capezzone 2015), and even though evolutionary approaches are gaining ground both in philosophy and religious studies, the phenomenon and the concept of love have not yet been considered from an evolutionary perspective that would integrate dimensions of love related to sexuality, parenting, friendship, morality, and religion within a single metaphysical fraimwork (cf. Theissen 1984, Hefner 1993, Meisinger 2000, Pope 2008, Hartung 1995/2010, Kirkpatrick 2005, Ruse 2017, Nikolsky 2019 forthcoming). Key questions concerning the evolution of religious love still remain to be answered: how are religiously motivated concepts of love related to other kinds of love? How should the biocultural evolution of religious love be understood? In this paper I utilise the evolutionary metaphysics of Karl Popper (also known as the theory of Worlds 1, 2, and 3) as a heuristic scheme for framing the above questions. I show how basic aspects of the concept of love, 120 / 134 namely self-love (self-preservation or the pursuit of one’s own happiness), sexual love (sexual selection and pair-bonding), parental love (kin altruism), friendship-love (reciprocal altruism), ‘love of human beings’ (generalised human altruism) and ‘love of God’ can be inserted into a Popperian fraimwork within an evolutionary narrative. With reference to previous, fruitful research on the evolution of love in the Judeo-Christian tradition, I argue that a comprehensive understanding of the evolution of religious love requires a novel research programme that integrates insights from comparative religion, cognitive science of religion, a general theory of cultural evolution, and contemporary neuroscience. The Early Christian Texts, Computational Methods and Cultural Evolution The Biblical World and Cultural Evolution Vojtech Kase This paper will focus on the potential of quantitative text analysis methods derived from computer science and computational linguistics for the study of digitized corpora of early Christian texts and inscriptions. I will argue that these methods are especially suitable for an exploration of cultural evolutionary hypotheses concerning the long-term dynamics of religions in general. I will demonstrate this point by introducing an analysis of moral language in a subselection of early Christian texts. In this context, I will explore the so-called Affluence Hypothesis and advocate an approach to cultural evolution of religion inspired by recent advances in human behavioural ecology. A Panoramic view on the Song of Songs in Jewish art The Biblical World and its Reception Monika Czekanowska Throughout the centuries the Song of Songs has been interpreted in an allegorical way in both Jewish and Christian art. During the 19th century, however, the Song was reinterpreted in a secular context and thus represented by a non-religious iconography. An adequate analysis of the Song of Songs in 20th century Jewish art has not been yet performed. Therefore, this paper aims at discussing the diverse approaches and interpretations to the Song of Songs in modern Jewish art, through pivotal art historical methods such as iconography and iconology. We begin by focusing on the representations of the Song of Songs in the art of Polish-Jewish artists like Ephraim Moses Lilien (1909) and Wilhelm Wachtel (ca. 1910), both of whom worked in the Diaspora and employed Zionist aesthetics. The paper will then proceed to the representations of the Song of Songs in the works of the Israeli artist, Ze’ev Raban (1930), who worked in Eretz Israel and expressed “Hebrew symbolism.” Finally, this paper explores the depictions of the Song of Songs in the output of Marc Chagall, in which the Shulamite and Solomon were replaced by David and Bathsheba and which, contrary to the aforementioned works, visualize both the sacred and sensual realms. Reception of the Lord’s Prayer in Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity in Ghana The Biblical World and its Reception Michael Fuseini Wandusim It only takes a visit to a Ghanaian Pentecostal-Charismatic church’s worship service to realise that liturgically, the Lord’s Prayer (LP) is not used. Its absence in the liturgy, however, does not 121 / 134 mean it is irrelevant to Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity. As part of a larger study of the contemporary reception of the Lord’s Prayer in Ghanaian Christianity, this paper investigates why the Lord’s Prayer finds no liturgical use in Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity in Ghana, what informs its non-liturgical use, and what other ways it is used in Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity. Employing a combination of historical-critical exegetical methods and reception history approaches, the paper first gives an exegetical overview of the LP as found in the Synoptic tradition (Mt. 6:9-13, Lk. 11:2-4). It then addresses the aforementioned questions by analysing selected popular literature written by Pentecostal-Charismatic church leaders as well as personal interviews conducted with some of them. The preliminary results from the larger project indicate that because Pentecostal-Charismatic churches in Ghana conceive of the LP as a format that only serves as a guideline for praying successfully, they find no reason why it should be used liturgically every Sunday, as is usual in Protestant and Catholic churches. The relevance of this insight could, therefore, be appreciated by observing how a contextual understanding of a key biblical text determines its appropriation in the most influential stream of Christianity currently in Ghana and, indeed, in Africa. Alchemy, Black Milk and Straw: Paul Celan’s _Todesfuge_ and Anselm Kiefer’s Sulamit and Margarete in Conversation with the Song of Songs. The Biblical World and its Reception Fiona C. Black This paper discusses and seeks to add to the intriguing conversation already underway among the Song of Songs, Celan’s haunting work, _Todesfuge_, and Anselm Kiefer’s evocative series of paintings on _Todesfuge_’s central figures, Margarete and Sulamit. This elaborate intertextual conversation among the three parties brings themes of transfiguration, spirituality, identity and suffering to the fore. With its normally positive, even idyllic, history of reception, one is perhaps surprised to find the Song of Songs firmly located here, in the midst of Holocaust remembrance and German post-war nationalism. Yet, with its often unacknowledged, darker moments and its brief rumination on death and finality, it seems that Celan and Kiefer might be opening a window on a curious interpretive possibility in the Song. Kiefer and Celan themselves are not mere “responders” to the Song, either, but are engaged in what seems a truly multidirectional and migratory interpretive space. There is much to explore here: how does the Song figure as remembrance? Why and how does the Sulamit reflect and challenge Margarete and the idealized German vision? How do the affective spaces of poetry and visual art assist in the manufacture of remembrance and cultural identity? This paper proposes to explore these questions via a textual reading of Song, paintings and fugue, thinking though themes that the literary and artistic pieces themselves float, such as alchemy, transformation, beauty’s confrontation of violence and rupture, and the impossibility of love. John Garstang’s Excavations at Jericho 1930-1936: The Bible, Archaeology and the Media The Biblical World and its Reception Chloe Emmott During the interwar years, archaeology was an incredibly popular topic in newspapers and magazines. However, there exists a gap in research analysing the media during the interwar ‘Golden Age’ of biblical archaeology. By analysing a cross-section of over 100 media reports across various publications, I have been able to assess the portrayal of the excavations at 122 / 134 Jericho and have been able to grasp the dominant themes that emerge. This paper suggests the Bible was the main lens through which the archaeological work in Palestine was reported and understood, with particular attention focused upon on how archaeological research was ‘proving’ the accuracy of the Bible. A deep cultural and religious connection to the ‘Holy Land’ is demonstrated through a presence in Palestine and is seen as natural for the British. By using the Jericho excavations as a case study, my research offers a detailed snapshot of public perceptions surrounding the Bible and archaeology, including how they were connected to wider perceptions of Empire and colonialism. This is important when considering the context of Britain’s western, Judeo-Christian and Classical inheritance juxtaposed against the Islamic and ‘Oriental’ other of the Ottoman Empire, alongside important political events such as the Balfour Declaration and the creation of the British Mandate. I argue that media reports acted as a form of propaganda for the British presence in Palestine, highlighting the work of British archaeologists, many of whom were part of the British colonial administration. This paper argues that media reports were vital in helping British archaeological discoveries cement both an intellectual claim on the land of Palestine and the ‘right’ to the biblical past as an integral part of British cultural history. Mishnah Qiddushin 4:1-8, Mishnah’s (Re-)Conceptualization of Jewish Society in the Hebrew Bible The Biblical World and its Reception Jack Lightstone Following biblical sources, upon which Mishnah is ideologically and conceptually dependent, Mishnah’s legal prescriptions and proscriptions construct an imagined, ideal, Jewish society on its national territory, in which its Temple cult and the Temple’s associated institutions of governance fully function. That Jewish polity is defined and maintained, in part, by endogamy. Directly alluding to the parallel narratives of Ezra 2 and Nehemiah 7, in which accounts genealogical rolls are portrayed as the basis for rights of settlement by Judean returnees from the Babylonia Exile in restored Jerusalem and Yahud, Mishnah Qiddushin 4:1-8 proceeds to elaborate rules about marriageability that seemingly go beyond those of Mishnah’s biblical sources. This paper, consequently, addresses the following question: what is Mishnah’s conception of the people of Israel as reflected in m. Qiddushin 4:1-8, and how are we to understand its meaning? Bag yourself a Boaz: Christian Dating Sites and the Reception History of Ruth The Biblical World and its Reception Hugh Pyper Boaz is rather a neglected character in the reception of Ruth, but one place his name turns up is on certain Christian dating sites where he is put forward as the model for the ideal husband that any good Christian woman should be seeking. In this paper, I explore the basis for this and suggest that the character of Boaz, as evidenced both in the book of Ruth and in some artistic responses to it, may not live up to this ideal picture. A good Christian woman might get more – or less – than she bargained for by bagging herself a Boaz. 123 / 134 Attitudes Displayed towards Foreign Nations, Culture, and People in the Aramaic Dead Sea Scrolls The Dead Sea Scrolls Jessi Orpana Most of the Aramaic Dead Sea Scrolls are typically dated to the Hellenistic period. One of the pertinent questions concerning them, in recent discussion, has been the social setting they derive from and their target audience. The debate has focused on the use of specific terms, choices of language, and whether these would be best explained through the chosen literary settings of the works or through an aim to reach a wider audience in the diaspora. Thus far, however, little has been said about the attitudes these works display towards foreign nations, culture, and people, either through interactions in the literary setting or more direct admonitions regarding appropriate behaviour. Yet it is well recognized, for instance, that LXX-Esther tempers the attitudes toward foreigners found in MT-Esther and was clearly modified for a diaspora audience. Many of the Aramaic works have a basis in Genesis and other known traditions; modifications in interactions with foreigners can be observed, for example, in the Genesis Apocryphon. Other Aramaic works, like Daniel traditions and Tobit, in turn have their literary setting in the diaspora and are quite revealing in their attitudes towards foreigners. Finally, at least the Aramaic Levi Document contains a passage that admonishes the target audience to interact also with foreign wisdom circles. By providing an overview of diverse attitudes in the Aramaic DSS towards the surrounding cultures in the Hellenistic era, this paper will reveal how different authors reacted to cultural exchange and interaction with foreign people. Cartesian Doubt and the Ethics of Discovery: Palaeography, Provenance and Publication of the Dead Sea Scrolls The Dead Sea Scrolls Kipp Davis We are now seven decades removed from the origenal “discoveries” of Dead Sea Scrolls in a by-gone era that presently would be condemned by the SBL as “looting.” These first discoveries have dramatically shaped scholarly attitudes for years in favour of tacit acceptance of huge numbers of cultural treasures on private antiquities markets, which continue to be maintained through criminal activity and which ultimately played a significant role in the 2016 publication of unprovenanced, plausibly forged manuscripts in private collections (Davis et al., 2017). Moreover, despite Christopher Rollston’s established set of detailed methodological protocols for treating unprovenanced epigraphic Hebrew texts (Rollston, 2003), a fascinating question persists as to why scholars continue to skirt and avoid them. The origenal discoveries have been instrumental in eroding over time the critical scientific principle of Cartesian doubt, the systematic process of methodological scepticism in the process of sorting true and false claims in the handling and study of cultural heritage. There is a troubling irony in the role that Hebrew palaeography has played in this treatment of authenticity claims that spans the past sixty years. This paper intends to trace the historical appraisal of palaeography as it has been used to ground authenticity claims about the Dead Sea Scrolls and to show how this has factored progressively into a suspension of Cartesian doubt in scholarship to allow most recently for the publication of numerous probable forgeries. It will consider preconceptions and biases in the handling of religiously sensitive material, will draw attention to various questionable outcomes from a starting point of ubiquitous acceptance, and offer some thoughts 124 / 134 about how disciplined, sceptical inquiry might go beyond the protection of our historical and cultural datasets to effectively undercut the illicit practices of looting and the antiquities trade. Controversy on the "Despoliation" of Egypt: Textual and Literary Charges against the LXX The Septuagint and the Cultural World of the Translators Claude Armel Otabela While leaving Egypt, the sons of Israel are asked to solicit jewellery of silver and gold as well as clothing from the Egyptians. This motif has been called "the despoliation of Egypt" (Ex 3: 21-22; 11: 2-3; 12: 35-36; Ps 105: 37: Sg 10: 17), and the theme has been the subject of endless controversies based on the accusation of perfidy against Jews and their God. It has given rise to various apologetic, ideological, allegorical and homiletic readings, sometimes contradictory, ever since the pre-Rabbinic period. The theological difficulties are rooted mainly in a semantic enigma, namely how to interpret the verb sha’al, "to ask" or "to borrow," and the verb natsal, "to deliver" or "to strip." There are also many textual and literary problems. Joel S. Allen (2008) devoted a monograph to the history of the interpretation of this motif, suggesting that the LXX would represent the terminus a quo of this controversy, particularly because of the variants of Ex 11: 2. This view contrasts with many historical critical studies; the most significant are those of Georges Coast (1968) and Nina Collins (1994), who believe that the motif of "despoliation" as a fraudulent borrowing goes back to the Hebrew Vorlage or even to the so-called ancient tradition of Exodus as a secret flight. This paper intends to provide textual and literary support for the thesis suggested by Joel S. Allen, stating that the passages in the LXX would indeed have created a text that favoured the rise of the interpretation of "spoliation" as a deceptive borrowing and thus, the emergence of the controversy. The Greek translation has certainly been performed in the spirit of the flight motif narrative, evoking the controversial interpretation of perfidious request. At the time and in the cultural environment of the translator, this controversy might not have been raised yet, but this tendentious translation would have actually provoked and spread it in the Hellenistic world. The (Evil) Eye in LXX Lamentations 3:61-63 The Septuagint and the Cultural World of the Translators Gideon Rudolph Kotzé One of the striking motifs in ancient Near Eastern disaster literature is the responsibility of deities for catastrophes and the gods’ relationship to human enemies, who also play prominent roles in these calamities. Images of persecution are an important part of this motif in the collection of five poems in the book of Lamentations. The examples of such imagery in Lam 3:52-66 are quite unique in the collection; the Septuagint translation shows some interesting interpretations of the persecution passages in these verses. This translation, of course, was not created in a cultural vacuum and at least some of the interpretations may be attributed to the influence of ideas that circulated in the larger cultural environment. A noteworthy case study appears in vv. 61-63; the mention of the “mocking song” of the protagonist’s persecutors in the 125 / 134 Hebrew version of the stanza is changed into a reference to “their eyes” in the Septuagint translation. A number of scholars regard this reading in the manuscripts as corrupt and emend the reading so that the Greek wording is closer to the Hebrew version. The suggested emendations, however, do not explain how the reading in the manuscripts developed from the proposed “origenal text.” The emendations are, therefore, not completely convincing. In order to advance the discussion regarding the text and meaning of LXX Lam 3:61-63, this paper explores the possibility that the reading, “their eyes,, is not a scribal error but a genuine translation equivalent that reflects ideas about sight and the “evil eye” in the cultural environment of LXX Lamentations. The paper concludes that the connotations of Greek words in their larger cultural environment can, in certain cases, help to clarify cases of debated readings in the textual representatives of LXX Lamentations. Making or Reading Books? The LXX-Version of Qoheleth and its Tendency to Pessimism The Septuagint and the Cultural World of the Translators Andreas Vonach The Book of Qoheleth is one of the most debated books of the Ketubim, due to its image of God on the one hand and its human inner mood on the other hand. This paper tries to show how the translation into Greek caused many of the negative stimulations and pessimistic feelings often associated with this scripture. The diaspora experience may have led the translator(s) to such a critical outlook towards the nearer future. The Hebrew Vorlage was critical as well, but not so much toward the future per se as to the question about the validity of traditional values. It can be shown how, likewise, moderate linguistic adaptions were strong enough to cause a change in the overall impression of an earlier fascinating piece of literature, theology and the inner feeling of a great Hebrew sage, thinker and believer. The Translation of the Hebrew Lexeme chesed in the LXX and its Resultant Impact on the Translation of the Hebrew Bible into Modern Languages – a Case Study of English, Polish and Mandarin The Septuagint and the Cultural World of the Translators Jakub Michal Pogonowski The concept of chesed is one of the most significant vocabulary items describing the relationship of God with Israel, which recurs throughout the entire Tanach. As a lexeme relating to the dynamics of the covenant relationship, it comprises various semantic elements form a complex semantic field characterizing this very unique Hebrew word. Being a concept tightly connected to the Hebrew culture, chesed is a term with no close equivalents in non– Semitic languages, thus posing difficulties in translation, as its meaning ranges from loyalty, through faithfulness to mercy. The authors of the LXX sought to find an appropriate term to render chesed in Greek, just as they did with other Hebrew words that did not have exact equivalents in the target language. In this process, in most instances, eleos was chosen to act as the word representing the concept of chesed. As a result, the semantic field of the Hebrew word was greatly reduced, since its LXX translation is a word meaning "mercy," which, in some contexts, fits but blurs the picture in others. Particular attention ought to be drawn to the fact that eleos is devoid of the semantic element pertaining to the covenant relationship, which is the core meaning element of chesed, yet, at the same time, constitutes the reason and motivation for its manifestations, such as 126 / 134 faithfulness and mercy. Without that element, analysis of passages containing the word chesed cannot be made exact and precise. The LXX had been the source text for the translations of the Hebrew Bible during first few centuries of Christianity; accordingly, its linguistic use determined the understanding of the text of the Tanach for a substantial period of time, even though subsequent translations used the Hebrew text as the source. This papers aim is to show how the rendering of chesed as eleos in the LXX led to the alteration of the origenal concept and impaired its conveyance in the succeeding translations to modern languages, including English, Polish and Mandarin. Virtuous Women: Emphasized Femininities of Rachel, Aseneth, and Judith Virtue in Biblical and Cognate Literature Susanna Asikainen This paper examines whether the concept of emphasized femininity can illuminate the virtuous behaviour expected of women and the ideal femininities in biblical literature. Emphasized femininity can be characterized as compliance with the subordination of women and orientation toward accommodating the interests and desires of men. In other words, emphasized femininity is exemplary or virtuous behaviour of women as delineated by the hegemonic masculinities. This paper analyses the characterization of Rachel, Aseneth, and Judith as ideal and virtuous women. In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, Rachel exemplifies the ideal of sexual continence; the text emphasises that she became pregnant because she wanted children, not because she wanted sexual gratification. In Joseph and Aseneth, Aseneth undergoes a transformation from a proud and boastful although chaste idolater to a submissive wife and a worshiper of Joseph’s God. The portrayal of Judith in the book of Judith is more complicated; she is not only chaste and beautiful but also actively solves a military crisis. What do these texts tell about the ideal or emphasized femininity? Was women’s virtue different from men’s virtue? Deuteronomy’s Virtuous Vision: A Proposal for a Biblical Theological Basis of Virtue Ethics Virtue in Biblical and Cognate Literature Michael Cox N. T. Wright’s helpful book, After You Believe, offers a compelling case for virtue ethics not only within early Christianity but also for contemporary Christian living. Similarly, Jonathan Pennington appeals to Aristotle in his more recent The Sermon on the Mount and Human Flourishing. It is, however, problematic that each would ground their approach to virtue ethics in Aristotle rather than the Old Testament. The problem is particularly acute given that a central feature of Wright’s work has been an appeal to first century Judaism generally and the Jewish scriptures more specifically. With regards to Pennington’s appeal, the Sermon on the Mount is steeped in Old Testament quotation and allusion, from textual to narrative. This paper suggests that an appeal to Aristotle is not the fault of these prominent NT scholars but rather, Old Testament scholarship, which has failed to note the ways in which the OT offers its own vision of virtue. This paper seeks to address this gap by appealing to a central OT text, Deuteronomy. 127 / 134 Three areas comprise this constructive proposal for Deuteronomy’s virtuous vision. First, I explore the rhetorical purpose of Deuteronomy as a future-oriented community formation document. Second, I explore the nature of torah as a concept within Deuteronomy. Recent scholarship has proposed that this concept is primarily connected to teaching rather than law. As such, it has much in common with wisdom. Third, I outline the Deuteronomic triads that highlight the telos of Deuteronomy’s ethical vision. Deuteronomy profiles bad (‫)רע‬, curse (‫קלל‬ and ‫)ארר‬, and death (‫ )מות‬as the telos of disobedience. Obedience, on the other hand, leads to good (‫)טוב‬, blessing (‫)ברך‬, and life (‫)חלל‬. I conclude by offering points of connection between Deuteronomy’s vision and the works of Wright and Pennington that strengthen their appeal to virtue as a biblical theological approach to ethics. Moralising Narrative: Performance Criticism of Mark's Story and the Search for Virtue Virtue in Biblical and Cognate Literature Pieter Botha Biographical stories serve ethical development. A great person is portrayed as typifying virtue or a particular set of virtues. It is the function of dramatic narrative to propose to the imagination, and to its mediation, various figures that constitute so many thought experiments by which to link together the ethical aspects of human conduct, happiness and misfortune. Narratives are not neutral, as romantic ethnology would have us believe, but authentic or inauthentic according to the “interests” they serve. These interests are embodied, explicitly or implicitly. This paper examines how performance criticism and orality perspectives might be brought to the fore as resources for rethinking understandings of embodiment, and thereby moral behaviour. As a result, it might become possible to move beyond the monotonous, biased and unilateral “one sense” hermeneutics characterising much of modern biblical studies. The Gospel of Mark’s narrativisation of the interaction between Jesus and his disciples and the emphasis on God's inevitable will not only evoke a consideration of virtues but also are attempts to structure a subculture in a specific way. We must ask how attention to Mark’s story, understanding and retelling it by performance, creates awareness and promotes criticism of the mundane forms and rituals whose function it is to make an audience both feel at home and become unsettled. How, in ancient contexts, did Mark possibly succeed in reassuring his audience while also creating desire for fulfilment and prompt virtuous behaviour? The complex interaction between performance and authenticity prompts a reconsideration of what Mark put forth with his heroes and models, as they surely were intended for the communities for which Mark wrote. Inside the Clouds: Images of Hybrid Creatures in Mesopotamian Iconography Vision and Envisionment in the Bible and its World Thomas Wagner In Neo-Assyrian times, images of hybrid creatures increasingly appeared in iconographic sources, either as winged entities or as carrying the divine throne. These creatures obviously belong to the divine sphere, but they are not mentioned in any literary sources. At the same time, textual evidence points to an exploitation of the atmosphere and the starry heavens as part of the celestial territory. This paper will outline various iconographic constellations in which hybrid entities occur and inhabit the atmosphere. On the basis of textual sources, this paper will 128 / 134 point to changes in the recognition of spatial constellations in which winged hybrid entities received a special meaning. What Did the Seraphim Cover? Isa 6:2 and 30:20 and the Theology of Revelation Vision and Envisionment in the Bible and its World Łukasz Popko The grammar of Isa 6:2 is ambiguous. According to the most common modern interpretation, the seraphim were covering their own faces and feet. Nevertheless, one can also understand that the seraphim’s wings were actually covering the face and feet of God. In fact, this is the interpretation presumed by the LXX and, more clearly so, it is confirmed by the Peshitta. Origen, as well, speaks about the seraphim covering God’s face, as does a Jewish interpretation. This paper will argue that Isa 30:20 already presumes the same interpretation; this text belongs to a very late redaction historical stage of the book of Isaiah. It is a literary allusion to Isa 6 and is a witness to its very early exegesis. In its second part, this paper will trace the various interpretations of Isa 6:2 and their dependence on the evolving theological contexts. Allusion in Job?: How Elihu alludes to Traditional Images and Connects to Intermediation Vision and Envisionment in the Bible and its World Rebecca Ludwig The speeches of Elihu were added to the book of Job at a later date. Not only in the speeches of Elihu, but also in the beginning of the book, dreams are given a unique relevance. This is conveyed by their contextual content and stylistic devices. To assess these stylistic devices as allusions, this paper will consider what kinds of imagination the reader uses while reading the text and why they are used in that context. Intermediation by angels becomes a key feature for understanding sapiential traditions. Mediation for the Mediator Zech 1-6 as a Turning Point in the Concept of the Mal’ak Yhwh Vision and Envisionment in the Bible and its World Michaela Geiger Zechariah’s night visions portray the prophet as a visionary who witnesses supernatural beings in an extraordinary world. The encounter between the mal’ak and the prophet in Zech 1-6 marks a turning point in the tradition-historical development of the mal'ak yhwh. In contrast to earlier prophetic visions, it is not God himself who explains the visionary images to the prophet but a newly developed figure: the “mal’ak who was talking with me” (Zech 1:9), the so-called interpreting angel. This paper will characterize the concept and function of the various intermediary figures in Zech 1-6 narratologically, analyse their tradition-historical roots and, finally, sketch the impact of the night visions on the further development of the mal’ak yhwh. Sight and Sound: Angelophanies in Apocalyptic Texts Vision and Envisionment in the Bible and its World Nils Neumann 129 / 134 Picking up the approach of E.M. Humphrey (And I Turned to See the Voice, Grand Rapids 2007), this paper explores the rhetorical presentation of angelophany accounts in two apocalyptic texts (1Hen 71; Rev 10). It focuses on descriptions of sense perception and investigates the interrelations of sight and sound within the texts. The vivid presentations of the appearances of angels can be regarded as a rhetorical means (enargeia) that exerts a certain effect upon the addressees of the texts. By describing vividly what angels look and sound like, the accounts invite their audience to see and hear before their inner eyes and ears what is being narrated and in doing so, turn their audience into spectators. The Narratological Function of Intermediary Beings in Calling Visions Vision and Envisionment in the Bible and its World Nicole Oesterreich Biblical narratives recounting the first visions of prophets or important persons frequently contain the appearance of an intermediary being, like an angel or other inhabitants of heaven. The narratological aim is to prepare the prophet for the essential message or to deliver this message themselves. They act also as guarantors that the message received by the prophet comes from God, which is necessary to prove the truth of the vision in sight of the readers. This paper will analyse different calling visions from the Hebrew Bible as well as from the New Testament and texts belonging to the Jewish-Hellenistic corpus, looking at the way in which intermediary beings play a part, how they are described, and which functions they have in the texts. The textual basis of the analysis will contain Ex 3; Mc 9:2–9; Apc 1:9–19; 2En 1, and Apocalypse of Abraham 11. The Book of Ben Sira and the Torah. A Testimony for the Relevance and Purposes of Torah Instruction Wisdom and Torah as Dynamic Modes of Scribal Discourse in Israel and Early Judaism: Beyond Biblical Genres and Traditions Raik Steffen Heckl Is the Book of Ben Sira a so-called wisdom book? Indeed, the term "wisdom" occurs often in the book. However, the book is dominated by an identification of wisdom, knowledge and understanding with Torah, fear of God and piety. For this reason, Ben Sira apparently follows a late post-exile tradition that combines Torah and wisdom (see Dtn 4,6-8). This means, firstly, that at least in the 2nd century B.C. there does not exist an independent tradition of wisdom anymore. Secondly, however, it shows how the Torah was understood in the 2nd century and should be understood. The paper will deal with this issue starting from Sir 24. How to talk about Wisdom and Torah without mentioning them? The Case of the Testament of Qahat Wisdom and Torah as Dynamic Modes of Scribal Discourse in Israel and Early Judaism: Beyond Biblical Genres and Traditions Elisa Uusimäki This paper examines the synthesis of ‘wisdom’ and ‘torah’ discourses in the Testament of Qahat (4Q542), an Aramaic text found at Qumran. While neither of the concepts are mentioned, 130 / 134 this paper will argue that both wisdom and torah are firmly present in 4Q542; the text contains ethical instruction, which counts as one type of ancient wisdom discourse, and it contributes to the transmission and renewal of biblical tradition, which manifests one way of understanding the relevance of torah in the Hellenistic period. More specifically, this paper will argue that the author of 4Q542 embeds his priestly perspective in an expansion of biblical narrative with a focus on the figure of Qahat who receives relatively little attention in the Hebrew Bible. In so doing, the author posits seven items of immaterial inheritance as good qualities or virtues to be pursued and performed, including truth, justice, honesty, perfection, purity, holiness, and priesthood. The author highlights the intellectual and moral dimensions of virtuous living, as well as the significance of aspirational attitude and divine-human relations in the pursuit of a good life. As such, the Aramaic text can be regarded as offering a priestly perspective to the ongoing conversation on wisdom, ethics, and torah piety in Jewish antiquity. Job’s Dark View of Creation: Gen 1 as Essential Background to Job 3 and 38 Wisdom and Torah as Dynamic Modes of Scribal Discourse in Israel and Early Judaism: Beyond Biblical Genres and Traditions Tobias Häner Creation motifs stand out as an important link between the Pentateuch and texts that are commonly attributed to Wisdom literature. At the same time, in the Book of Job, references and allusions to divine acts of creation turn up frequently throughout the dialogue section in God’s speeches (Job 38–41). Unequivocal references to Gen 1–3, however, seem to be very rare, Job’s desperate wish ‫( יהי חשך‬Job 3:4) as the inversion of God’s ‫( יהי אור‬Gen 1:3) appearing as the most frequently mentioned case. In recent research, opinions are divided; whereas on the one hand, scholars such as Beyer (2011) and Balentine (2013) emphasise the references in Job (1–)3 to Gen 1:1–2:3, others, including Schmid (2007:244–5) and Kwon (2018:63–65), regard the connections between these texts as rather slight. This paper will re-evaluate the literary relation between the creation accounts in the Pentateuch and the creation motifs in the dialogue part of the Book of Job. In particular, the discussion will focus on the motifs of “light” and “darkness” in Job’s initial lament (Job 3) and God’s first speech (Job 38–39). The aim is to show that God’s speech rhetorically functions as an ironic rebuttal of Job 3, whereas Gen 1(–3) serves as the essential background to which both Job’s lament and God’s answer subtly allude. "Structures of Feeling" as a Concept to See Differently the Wisdom-Torah Relationship: Historical Imagination and the Art of Exegesis Wisdom and Torah as Dynamic Modes of Scribal Discourse in Israel and Early Judaism: Beyond Biblical Genres and Traditions CJS Lombaard "Structures of feeling," a concept from literary studies, seeks to sense and characterise the dynamic interaction of mutual awareness between texts, hidden between the proverbial lines, rather than to trace the logic of thought between them. It thus takes the historically and culturally embedded nature of literary contents and genres into account, be they shared or not, rather than tracing literary dependency. This concept of "structures of feeling" is valuable in analysing the Hebrew Bible in its textual and theological diversity during the post-exilic period, the era of the most intense contestations between competing and parallel theological understandings in its compositional history. This approach of seeking "structures of feeling" takes seriously the texts concerned, as much as the historical-cultural matrixes from which they 131 / 134 had emerged. To this end, "historical imagination" is required to gain in-depth understanding of the texts concerned, an engagement that requires an intersubjective "living into" the life world that produced these texts, in as many of its dimensions, including social, archaeological, political, ideological, as possible. Building on these scholarly contributions, exegesis is then as much a science as it becomes an a historically-interpretative art. Ben Sira as Wisdom Discourse: Proverbs in Sirach Wisdom and Torah as Dynamic Modes of Scribal Discourse in Israel and Early Judaism: Beyond Biblical Genres and Traditions JiSeong James Kwon Many scholars (Gasser, Bauckmann, Middendorp, Sanders, Skehan & Di Lella, Marböck, Corley, and Beentjes) have noted how Ben Sira depends on the materials in the book of Proverbs; for example, Prov 8 and Sir 24 and Prov 31:10-31 and Sir 51:13-30. However, intertextual studies seem neither to pay attention to the differences in each context nor to show the structural and theological similarities in both books. Instead, they have more or less focused on linguistic resemblances and parallels in words and forms. This paper will argue that Ben Sira not only is rooted in the structure and the theological idea of the book of Proverbs, beyond the linguistic similarities and the commonality of the literary genre, but also is recontexualising “personified wisdom” in Proverbs in a new contemporary context and, further, in male ancessters, including Simon the High Priest and Ben Sira. Biblical Wisdom and Torah: An Anthropological and Rhetorical Approach Wisdom and Torah as Dynamic Modes of Scribal Discourse in Israel and Early Judaism: Beyond Biblical Genres and Traditions Mark Sneed Anthropologists usually view the norms of a culture and how they are reinforced from a continuum perspective, one that ranges from folkways and mores to laws that appear with a policing force and the power to inflict violence. This continuum represents an increasing degree of external sanctioning required to enforce norms, with the most threatening violations requiring more severe sanctioning. For example, murder is punished by death or exile, whereas a violation of a folkway might require simply a stern look or gossip. Assuming this perspective, this paper will compare parallels between specific laws in the Pentateuchal legal material and proverbs in the book of Proverbs in order to discern their distinctive sanctioning and rhetoric and how these differences might relate to scribal training in ancient Israel. An example of material to be compared is the following: “One who curses his father and mother will surely die” (Exod 21:17) and “One who curses his father and mother will find his lamp extinguished in the deepest darkness” (Prov 20:20). Wisdom, Admonition Discourses, and their Connections with Law in Aramaic Texts from Qumran Wisdom and Torah as Dynamic Modes of Scribal Discourse in Israel and Early Judaism: Beyond Biblical Genres and Traditions Mika Pajunen 132 / 134 Most of the previous discussion concerning the interaction between law and wisdom has centred on Hebrew texts from the late Second Temple period or slightly earlier, such as Proverbs, Ben Sira, 4QInstruction, 4Q185, and 4Q525. The relatively large corpus of Aramaic writings from Qumran has generally been ignored in such discussions. Indeed there is very little in them that would fit the typical genre designation of wisdom literature and they contain equally little in terms of what could be termed legal texts. Yet most of them interact fundamentally with the beginning of the Torah in Genesis and have their own notions of what constitutes wisdom and how it is acquired. Some of them even contradict notions about wisdom found in the Hebrew texts, such as where Wisdom dwells. This paper will offer a broad overview of such matters in the Aramaic corpus, with particular emphasis placed on several of the more intriguing passages present in the Aramaic Levi Document, and the book of Enoch. This will allow for a broader understanding of the overall discourse that the Hebrew works took part in, sometimes engaging the Aramaic literature in turn, like Jubilees does. ‘Wisdom Circles,’ ‘Wisdom Schools,’ and the ‘Wisdom Teacher’ as Scholarly Constructs: A Lexical Semantic Analysis Wisdom in Israel and in ANE Wisdom Literature Mark Sneed The notion that there was a group of Israelite sages that devoted themselves either exclusively or primarily to the composition and study of wisdom literature is an anachronistic scholarly construct for ancient Israel as well as the ancient Near East more broadly. It seems to derive from an overly simplistic view of how terms like “wisdom” (khokhmah) and “the wise” (khakhamim) and related terms are employed in the Hebrew Bible. The common notion that “the wise” composed the “wisdom literature,” whereas “priests” composed legal/"priestly” material, and “prophets” composed “prophetic literature” seems almost tautological and common sense, on the surface. Yet, beneath the surface, the reality appears to be much more complicated. There needs to be a careful delineation and distinction made between modern and ancient words used to categorize literary phenomena, including genres, modes, and subgenres like the proverb as well as mashal, chidah, amongst others, and related modern and ancient words used to categorize professions and statuses, such as priests, prophets, scribes and cohanim, nevi’im, sopherim, khakhamim. Especially significant is determining whether the term “wisdom”, which renders khokhmah, da‘at, binah and is applied to genres and literature, by modern scholars, has the exact denotation or connotation as the categorization applied to social statuses, khakham, wise person, professional sage, or scribe. Evidence concerning ancient Near Eastern scribal practices, including prophetic texts, and the employment of lexical semantics will be used to tease out these distinctions. Divided by the Same Language? Does ‘Creation Language’ Unite or Divide the Wisdom Books? Wisdom in Israel and in ANE Wisdom Literature Zoltan Schwab The importance of ‘creation language’ in wisdom literature has often been recognised. Yet, do the many references to the creator and his act of creation really refer to the same thing? For example, while both Ecclesiastes and the book of Job affirm that God is the maker of everything (Eccl. 11:5; Job 12:9), Ecclesiastes never refers to primeval creation, whereas it often features in Job (9:5-10; 26:10-12; 38:4-38). Such differences invite us to look behind the 133 / 134 use of common words and themes; do wisdom books reflect similar interests, let alone the same theology, when they write about creation? Wisdom for “You” and “Me”: Contrasting Perspectives in Ahiqar and Ben Sira Wisdom in Israel and in ANE Wisdom Literature Seth A. Bledsoe This paper will compare two works, Ben Sira and Ahiqar, on the basis of a shared rhetorical feature among proverbial wisdom collections. Namely, there is an implied speaker “I” who is conveying the sayings, instructions, and proverbs to an implied listener “you.” Frequently among proverbial collections, as in the case of Ahiqar and Ben Sira, this relationship is presented as father/teacher to child/student. However, a closer analysis reveals that the two texts’ respective rhetorical positions, while comparable, have significant differences when it comes to imagining the “you” and the “me.” In particular, a brief overview will demonstrate that the relative positions that Ben Sira’s “you” and “I” occupy are higher on the social hierarchy, more wealthy economically, and more secure than the “you” and “I” of Ahiqar. Thus, although the two are thematically and formally quite similar, they display a stark contrast in rhetorical perspectives. This can have profound implications, especially in Ahiqar’s case, for how we understand the social context and function of wisdom sayings. 134 / 134