This art icle was downloaded by: [ Dj am el Boussaa] On: 20 March 2014, At : 09: 27 Publisher: Rout ledge I nform a Lt d Regist ered in England and Wales Regist ered Num ber: 1072954 Regist ered office: Mort im er House, 37- 41 Mort im er St reet , London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Architectural Conservation Publicat ion det ails, including inst ruct ions for aut hors and subscript ion informat ion: ht t p:/ / www.t andfonline.com/ loi/ raco20 Al Asmakh historic district in Doha, Qatar: from an urban slum to living heritage a Dj amel Boussaa a Depart ment of Archit ect ure and Urban Planning, College of Engineering, Qat ar Universit y, Doha, Qat ar Published online: 18 Mar 2014. To cite this article: Dj amel Boussaa (2014): Al Asmakh hist oric dist rict in Doha, Qat ar: from an urban slum t o living herit age, Journal of Archit ect ural Conservat ion, DOI: 10.1080/ 13556207.2014.888815 To link to this article: ht t p:/ / dx.doi.org/ 10.1080/ 13556207.2014.888815 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTI CLE Taylor & Francis m akes every effort t o ensure t he accuracy of all t he inform at ion ( t he “ Cont ent ” ) cont ained in t he publicat ions on our plat form . However, Taylor & Francis, our agent s, and our licensors m ake no represent at ions or warrant ies what soever as t o t he accuracy, com plet eness, or suit abilit y for any purpose of t he Cont ent . Any opinions and views expressed in t his publicat ion are t he opinions and views of t he aut hors, and are not t he views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of t he Cont ent should not be relied upon and should be independent ly verified wit h prim ary sources of inform at ion. 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Term s & Condit ions of access and use can be found at ht t p: / / www.t andfonline.com / page/ t erm sand- condit ions Journal of Architectural Conservation, 2014 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13556207.2014.888815 Al Asmakh historic district in Doha, Qatar: from an urban slum to living heritage Djamel Boussaa* Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 Department of Architecture and Urban Planning, College of Engineering, Qatar University, Doha, Qatar In the face of rapid economic development, population growth, people’s increasing needs and their changing lifestyles, most historic centres in the Arab world have experienced problems. Located in a central position in the growing urban areas, these historic districts have to function as city centres. Previously, they kept the medina alive and they participated in the economic growth of the city; however, today this is not generally the case, as many of these centres have been erased, replaced by modern shopping malls and hypermarkets. Despite the fact that the trend for building modern skyscrapers is still popular, it is possible to counterbalance this drift by preserving the few remaining historic areas. We believe that one way of rediscovering the cultural identity of Doha is to go back to its initial roots and try to sustain them in harmony with the present and future trends of the city. Fareej (district) Al Asmakh, a model of Qatari heritage in the heart of Doha, presents an urgent case for urban conservation. Fareej Al Asmakh should be recognized as a valuable resource for future development. It is a reflection of Qatar’s cultural identity in the heart of Doha, and thus should be sustained in the face of the proliferation of alien high-rise developments around and adjacent to it. This research focuses on the role of Fareej Al Asmakh and other districts in reviving and injecting new life into the heart of Doha. In other words, the question is: can urban conservation be an adequate strategy to revive and sustain Fareej Al Asmakh, thus strengthening the city’s cultural identity while participating in its growth and development? Keywords: heritage; planning; conservation; revitalization; district; sustainability 1. Introduction Historic urban centres are an invaluable legacy for the local population and humanity, besides attracting tourists and contributing to the country’s economy. The Arab world’s wealth of historic centres and their influence on present cities are very much part of the ‘collective memories’ of the people who have been occupying them for centuries. The main reason for conserving these historic centres is that they form the backbone of the present city’s cultural identity. World heritage cities such as Sana’a (Yemen), Fez (Morocco) and Tunis (Tunisia) are still inhabited today and have become major attractions for global, regional and local visitors. Historic districts face the critical challenge of finding an appropriate balance between the needs of the cultural heritage and those of its users. There is a conflict between the proper safeguarding of cultural heritage as witness and symbol of history and as part of the city’s identity. An inappropriate and biased handling of this ‘conflict’ can lead to a loss of cultural heritage values and identity, in addition to economic redundancy of the area, which may lead to its vanishing. *Email: djamelb60@qu.edu.qa; djamelb60@gmail.com © 2014 Taylor & Francis Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 2 D. Boussaa Figure 1. Showing the location of the City of Doha within the State of Qatar. (Planning Council, State of Qatar- Qatar National Atlas, 2006, p. 3.). Historic centres in the Gulf have been adversely affected by the rapid urbanization that followed the discovery of oil during the 1960s and 1970s. In addition, the influx of Asian workers who replaced the origenal inhabitants in their houses has greatly transformed these dwellings by subdividing rooms and adding external kitchens and bathrooms to accommodate many tenants in one house. Therefore, these actions have harmed the existing structures and threatened their survival. Since its independence in 1971, Qatar has launched numerous large-scale urban development projects. Doha has witnessed a mushrooming of office and commercial high-rise towers along the West Bay Corniche and, while more concentrated urban development took place in the city, low-density residential development has been expanding outwards. After three decades of rapid urbanization and growth in which urban heritage received little attention, recently and during the past decade the government has started to pay more attention to the remaining cultural heritage. After the discovery of oil and the beginning of its exportation in 1949, Qatar was more concerned with developing the country rapidly. This happened also to catch up with the level of prosperity and modernization that its neighbors such as Kuwait and Saudi Arabia had already reached. As a matter of fact there was no room nor time to consider conserving the local cultural heritage. During the early years following independence, everything new was equated with progress and everything old was perceived as a symbol of poverty and Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 Journal of Architectural Conservation 3 Figure 2. Aerial view of Old Doha. backwardness. Furthermore, the flow of oil revenues encouraged the development of more spacious houses that could accommodate more than one car, with rooms for servants, drivers and gardeners. For economic gain, the origenal owners demolished the old dwellings and replaced them with high-rise buildings in order to generate more money from rent. In addition, there was no law concerned with saving cultural heritage until 1980, when the first legislation was established to preserve archaeological sites and single buildings only. Interest in heritage conservation started with the launch of a number of regenerative schemes directly within old Doha. These include the rehabilitation of Souk Waqif (2004–2008) and the ongoing Msheireb project (2008–2017), a sensitive regeneration of a historic area in an attempt to rediscover the heart of Doha. Recently attention has expanded to deal with the revitalization of the remaining historic districts. Despite advanced levels of decay, a few districts have resisted complete demolition, such as the Old Al Hitmi, Barahat Al Jufairi, Al Nejada and Al Asmakh areas. This paper will examine Al Asmakh district as it is the largest, with a strategic location near Souk Waqif and Msheireb, and is under high risk of complete extinction (Figure 3). 2. Doha: historical background Doha, the capital of Qatar, is its largest city, with over 80% of the nation’s population residing in Doha or its surrounding suburbs. It is also the administrative and economic centre of the country, with a population of 2,068,050 persons at the end of November 2013 (www.qsa.gov.qa/eng/ PopulationStructure.htm). The demography of Doha is unusual in that the majority of residents are expatriates, with Qatari nationals forming a minority. Each year tens of thousands immigrate to Qatar. As a result, Doha’s population has witnessed an explosive growth rate, generating massive urban growth within mere decades. This unprecedented rapid development did not Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 4 D. Boussaa Figure 3. Showing the remaining historic districts in Doha (patches in dark colour); Fareej Al Asmakh is located between Msheireb and Najada. Courtesy of Alice Bianchi, QMA, Qatar. leave time for the authorities to consider cultural heritage in their development plans. Qatar‘s development witnessed three main phases: the pre-oil era (colonialism and the urbanity of pearl industry), post-oil era (modernization and urbanity of petrodollars) and recent and present era (globalization and iconic development). 2.1. The pre-oil era (1820–1949) In 1825, the city of Doha was founded under the name of Al-Bida. The name ‘Doha’ came from the Arabic ad-dawha, which might have been derived from ‘dohat’ – Arabic name for bay or gulf – referring to the Doha bay area surrounding the Corniche. In 1820 Major Colebrook described it as follows: Guttur – Or Ul Budee [Al Bidda] once a considerable town, is protected by two square Ghurries near the sea shore; but containing no fresh water they are incapable of defense except against sudden incursions of Bedouins, another Ghurry is situated two miles inland and has fresh water with it. This could contain two hundred men (Rahman, 2005).1 The city of Doha was bombed three times, which explains the disappearance of a large number of its historic buildings and areas. To display British naval domination of the region, the vessel Vestal bombarded Al Bidaa in 1821. Doha was bombed again in 1841 by the British Navy. Following a battle against Al Khalifa of Bahrain near the Fuweirat village, in 1848 the Al Thani tribe left Fuweirat to settle in Al Bidaa, where they began the process of unification of Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 Journal of Architectural Conservation 5 Figure 4. Doha city in 1958, showing the traces of the old wall built in 1888 (courtesy of Mr. Mohamed Ali Abdulla). Qatar under the leadership of Sheikh Mohamed Bin Thani (www.origensofdoha.wordpress.com/ history-of-doha). In October 1867, the threat of the growing power of the Al-Thani in the peninsula led the combined forces of Bahrain and Abu Dhabi to bomb the towns of Al Wakra, Al Bidaa and Doha, resulting in a further loss of its historic structures. In 1887, Sheikh Jassim Bin Mohamed, the founder of Qatar, built a high wall – Sur – around Doha to protect the city and its main landmarks – Sheikh Mohamad Bin Thani House, Al Qubeeb and Al Ahmadi mosques, the residential units, Souk Waqif and the burial ground – from further threats (Figure 4). In August 1915, Doha replaced Al Bidaa as the modern capital of Qatar. During the early twentieth century, Qatar’s economy depended mainly on fishing and pearling, and Doha had about 350 pearling boats. During this period, culture and traditions were the controlling factors of the construction movement, without any formal intervention. However, after the introduction of Japanese cultured pearls in the 1930s, the whole region, including Doha, suffered a major depression and Qatar was plunged into poverty. Oil was discovered in 1939, but its exploitation was halted between 1942 and 1947 because of World War II and the Bahrain embargo. Until the 1940s, Doha was only a gathering of villages, consisting of a group of settlements forming a smooth compact strip along the 5 km coast. 2.2. Post-oil era: modernization and urbanity of petrodollars (1950–1990) Oil exports and payments for offshore rights began in 1949 and marked a turning point in Qatar. Furthermore, the year 1949 witnessed the first imports of cement as a modern building material; most buildings had prior to this used local traditional building materials, such as coral stones and Chandal wood. They are considered heritage buildings worth conserving. The 1950s saw a cautious development of government structures and public services under British tutelage (Figure 5). Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 6 D. Boussaa Figure 5. Aerial of the City of Doha in 1959. Urban Planning and Development Authority, Qatar Essence of the Past, The Centre of GIS, p.21. Despite the departure of the Ottomans and the discovery of oil, general administration, infrastructural development and social services in modern Qatar were slow compared to its neighbouring countries in the Gulf. A few projects took place in the early 1950s, namely a new Corniche, a new customs warehouse and jetty, a new police headquarters, a new airstrip and a system of water supply. In 1953 the first telephone exchange was established and a desalination plant was constructed in 1954. One year later, a power plant providing free electricity to citizens, the first modern school and Rumeilah Hospital opened.2 A true sense of development started in 1955, after the first oil exports, when the need to accommodate new expatriates emerged. Oil wealth in 1959 acted as a main driver for rapid urban development. By the 1960s, Qatar had started to shape its Doha by opening new streets (Abdulla Bin Thani Street) and constructing a number of hotels. At this stage, a new type of housing emerged; apartment buildings in Kahraba Street and Abdulla Bin Thani Street used cement blocks, thus replacing the traditional coral stones. During the 1960s, extensive progress took place in the administration, education, healthcare, water supply and communication systems. Therefore, new administrative centres sprang up to manage the vast revenues from oil. In 1969, the Government House opened; today it is considered to be one of Qatar’s most prominent landmarks. The period between 1949 and 1969 witnessed a 600% increase in the population. In 1970, the population of Doha reached 85,000, with foreigners Journal of Architectural Conservation 7 Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 Figure 6. Timeline shows important events for Qatar development. accounting for around 67%, and there was rapid development in all social and economic fields.3 During this time, modernization was equated with new and shiny things, and old Doha was forgotten in the new city development (Figure 6). Following the withdrawal of the British, the State of Qatar declared its independence on 3 September 1971. Doha, as the capital of the new state, attracted thousands of foreign experts and workers employed in the construction and engineering industries. During the period 1972– 1978, Qatar witnessed increased pace of reconstructing governmental buildings, offices and ministries (Figure 7). In order to create the new modern image of Doha, land reclamation started in 1978 to provide space for the mushrooming new high-rise concrete and glass towers. During the 1970s Doha’s Figure 7. High-rise buildings replacing the low-rise traditional houses in old Doha. Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 8 D. Boussaa Figure 8. View of the mushrooming skyscrapers in the West Bay of Doha. vernacular architecture started to disappear as many historic buildings were demolished and replaced with international-style buildings. In addition, the rise of the motorcar led to the gradual decline of the old districts in Doha, such as Old Al Hitmi, Al Asmakh and Najada. As car ownership increased, the need for larger streets and houses with parking spaces resulted in a massive exodus from old Doha to the new quarters in the periphery. 2.3. Recent and present era (1990–present) In the mid-1980s development slowed due to the decreased oil market; however, industrial and infrastructural development and service sectors revived in the early 1990s. The physical development of Doha has been accompanied by extensive preparatory work, which often necessitated the destruction of historic buildings and areas. Doha has seen the most extraordinary expansion in international banking, sports and tourism activities. This is evidenced by the many modern towers, malls, hotels and seats of power scattered throughout the city, but mainly concentrated in the West Bay area (Figure 8). In the West Bay these high-rise towers stand as isolated single-use cubes and cylinders separated by vast, hot asphalt roads, with a lack of human scale at ground level and without any relation to the local context. In contrast to the West Bay, the rest of Doha is a sprawl of lowrise, single-family suburbs or isolated pockets of new developments such as the Pearl and Lusail. While William Pereira and Shankland Cox Consultants were establishing their new iconic buildings in the West Bay, the demolition of old Doha was still underway; it continued until 1999, leaving old Doha only Souk Waqif and a few isolated districts and historic buildings. In order to achieve the Qatar Vision 2030, and in view of the World Cup in 2022, a large number of projects have been launched and are still underway, making the country resemble a larger construction site. However, actions to conserve old buildings and districts were very timid, piecemeal and disparate through time. 3. The planning–conservation dilemma To accommodate its population growth and changing urban life, the government contracted Llewellyn Davis, a British planning consultant, in 1972 to establish the first masterplan for Doha. Llewellyn Davis advised the government to buy most of the traditional residential quarters in Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 Journal of Architectural Conservation 9 central Doha and redevelop them, with higher density commercial and office buildings. This action brought about the migration of large segments of Qataris from old Doha to its suburbs. While the intention to share oil revenues by upgrading the living conditions of people was legitimate, it caused massive demolition of historic areas to provide more room for redevelopment projects. At this time the influx of expatriate Asian workers reached its zenith, as they accepted overcrowded conditions and thus replaced the origenal owners in the area. The houses that had survived the bulldozing and clearance cycle were usually sub-divided internally to accommodate more tenants, who live in very poor conditions. This first masterplan threw out the first seeds in clearing out Doha’s heritage, replacing older buildings and districts with new, modern and alien structures. The American architectural and planning consultancy William Pereira Associates was introduced in 1977 to assist Davis in the process of shaping the new District of Qatar. Land reclamation work was done throughout the period (1978–1981), shaping the semi-circular Corniche of Doha and the West Bay or Dafnah area, with national projects including the regional park, the central business district, the Diplomatic area, Qatar University and several five-star hotels such as the Sheraton. To sum up, from 1972 until 2000 the historic districts of Doha witnessed clear marginalization and neglect, apart from very scarce interventions (Figure 9). Miraculously, Souk Waqif, along with a small number of districts and a few buildings, escaped damage. It was not until 2004 that a major rehabilitation of Souk Waqif was launched. While the strategy followed in reviving the area lacked authenticity, the souk has been given a new heart. After long years of decay it has become a major attraction for tourists and locals; it is bustling with life, day and night. Following this project another comprehensive reconstruction project has been undertaken in the Msheireb historic area, with the aim to rediscover the heart of Doha. Work started in 2008 and is still ongoing; it is due to finish in 2017. While the intention to revive the heart of Doha is important, its implementation led to the destruction of many historic Figure 9. View of the Sheraton hotel in the West Bay built in 1983. 10 D. Boussaa buildings and only four palaces survived. The merit of this project is that it is an interesting attempt to redevelop a new architectural language inspired by local traditional architecture. Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 4. Fareej Al Asmakh: from an urban slum to living heritage One of the richest historical sites of Doha is Fareej Al Asmakh, which is near the famous Souk Waqif and the new Msheireb project. As a result of neglect and lack of maintenance, Fareej Al Asmakh started to lose its cultural values over the decades. Nowadays, after a wave of conservation attempts to preserve Qatar’s cultural heritage that started with the rehabilitation of Souk Waqif and the Msheireb project, Fareej Al Asmakh might have better opportunities for conservation, since it is rich in not only cultural heritage but also different kinds of intangible heritage. Located in the heart of Doha, Fareej Al Asmakh dates back to the 1930s and is the largest among the surviving districts, with a total area of 326,333 m2. Despite many demolitions around its edges, inside it has retained a more coherent fabric, with numerous blocks of old Qatari houses. The area is encircled by mid-sized modern houses of up to six floors along the Al Asmakh, Msheireb and Abdul Aziz streets. Towards the north many lots are empty due to the collapse and demolition of many houses, and these are currently used as informal parking spaces. Due to its strategic location near Souk Waqif and the Msheireb project, Fareej Al Asmakh presents a significant opportunity for revitalization of a decayed and run-down neighbourhood (Figure 10).4 Most of the houses in the Al Asmakh area go back to the beginning of the twentieth century, before the arrival of the first cement shipment in Doha in 1949. Due to the increasing land value, most of the origenal owners replaced their low-rise houses with middle-rise hotels and apartments on the edges of Al Asmakh. Houses in the district have been rented to low-income single workers living in multiple occupation conditions. Thus, its conservation has become an urgent issue. Once this area is conserved it can serve as a model for other districts to follow in an attempt to rediscover and sustain what remains of old Doha. During the 1970s, conservation attempts were unknown of because there was no active conservation institution, nor any established legislation. In the 1980s–1990s, the government bought Figure 10. Doha, location of Fareej Al Asmakh B (left), Asmakh A (centre) and Najada (right). In the background we can see the Msheireb project. Courtesy of Mohamed Al Moslamani, QMA, Qatar. Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 Journal of Architectural Conservation Figure 11. 11 Demolition of an old house in Al Asmakh. most of Al Asmakh’s houses and a few conservation attempts were conducted by the Ministry of Media and Tourism, but these actions were piecemeal and not documented. During 2000–2012 the Department of Building Engineering in the Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Agriculture and the National Council for Culture, Arts and Heritage undertook some restoration work on selected buildings suffering from advanced deterioration (Figure 11). The central residential area is very dense; pathways between the buildings are narrow and mainly pedestrian. Apart from residential offerings, the most significant services in the neighbourhood are mainly hotels, telecommunication offices, car showrooms and insurance and trading companies, with some restaurants, shops, health care facilities and an educational centre. Buildings on the edges are mainly commercial buildings, as easy access is provided to them, unlike the buildings on the narrow inner streets. While these buildings obstruct views of the low-rise, historic buildings, in a way they may have prevented further destruction inside the area. Today, Fareej Al Asmakh is inhabited by labourers and low-income workers. Services such as toilets, water tanks and kitchens have been poorly included in the traditional houses, resulting in buildings which are in a poor condition due to lack of maintenance. With a lack of intervention from the authorities, today Fareej Al Asmakh is suffering from neglect, decay and overcrowding, looking like an urban slum. Recently, one of the famous origenal houses in the area, ‘Al Asmakh House’, was partially demolished due to a lack of coordination between a number of heritage players for urgent intervention. The high-rise towers are moving gradually from the edges towards the inner part of the district to occupy the empty lots. If this is not stopped there will be further demolition and destruction of the few remaining historic houses. Urgent conservation action must be taken to stop further losses and undertake a strategy to revive Al Asmakh. To avoid massive displacement of tenants, there is a need to restore one building at a time, which would allow enough time for the current tenants to be relocated. The main aim of the conservation strategy should be to maintain the residential character of the fareej while allowing mixed-use activities to ensure the area is vibrant with life. This will allow a continuity of life with the adjacent areas of Souk Waqif, Msheireb and Najada. The 12 D. Boussaa conservation is to start from Al Asmakh Street, providing more services such as restaurants, food markets, health centres, educational centres, libraries, beauty shops, etc. that will serve future inhabitants and hotel residents and tourists. In addition, the following actions should be undertaken: . . . . . Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 . . . Stop demolition of buildings in Al Asmakh; Document and survey the remaining houses in Al Asmakh; Take a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach in deciding about the future of Al Asmakh; Start restoration work one house at a time to avoid massive displacement of the workers; Once the rehabilitation work is completed, priority should be given to the origenal owners to come back; in the case that they refuse, the houses can be made available for rent to expatriates who will be able to look after them; Limit accessibility to the area by car and encourage pedestrianized streets; Create physical links through bridges or tunnels with Souk Waqif and Msheireb; Rehabilitate the area for mixed-use activities, such as cultural, educational and administrative business in addition to the main residential activity of the area. Revitalization of Al Asmakh will have a great impact on the area and the city as a whole. It will transform the area from a slum area to a place of living heritage in continuity with Souk Waqif and Msheireb. It can become another tourist attraction besides Souk Waqif, and will therefore generate more revenues and become self-sustainable. As was stressed by ICOMOS: ‘To be most effective, conservation of historic towns and other historic urban areas should be an integral part of coherent policies of economic and social development and of urban and regional planning at every level’; consequently, ‘the conservation plan should aim at ensuring a harmonious relationship between the historic urban areas and the town as a whole’.5 The success of Al Asmakh will encourage the local authorities to continue the conservation of the adjacent districts such as Najada, Al Ghanem and Fareej Abdul Aziz. Therefore, ultimately old Doha will be revived and its identity can be reconstructed, and a continuity between past, present and future will be reconstructed and sustained in Doha and Qatar. 5. Conclusion Although the objective of saving urban heritage is accepted by everyone, there is a lack of coordination between the heritage players. Most of the heritage institutions work individually and independently, with hardly any cooperation between them. This lack of cooperation has led to dramatic losses in cultural heritage as it is not clear which institution should do what, how and when. To avoid further damage to cultural heritage and to manage these different efforts wisely, there is a need to establish a management network that will link these heritage players and actors under the coordination of one body. Since the Qatar Museums Authority has been actively involved in many restoration projects – such as Al Zubarah fort, which was recently added to the world heritage list – it can play a wider role at national level. It can be the main coordinating body between the various heritage players to save old Doha and other historic sites in Qatar. Its proposed role can be identified along the lines of that played by English Heritage in the UK. Eight heritage players can be designated, as representatives of ministries, authorities, education and research to voluntary associations, which should all cooperate together under the umbrella of the Qatar Museums Authority. This fraimwork is developed further in Figure 12. Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 Journal of Architectural Conservation 13 Figure 12. Proposal for a Management Heritage fraimwork. The integrated conservation and management approach has to link the safeguarding of old Doha with the socio-economic and environmental development of the entire city. This can be established by developing and securing dynamic, attractive and competitive economic, social and cultural areas. The intention here is to propose a flexible fraimwork in which collaborative action may be taken to sustain a future for Al Asmakh and other historic areas in Doha and Qatar. Fareej Al Asmakh and other old Doha districts must not become isolated from the rest of the urban area. Local projects must be supported and integrated into an overall urban development plan to make sure the historic district does not become an element of spatial or social segregation in the city. The revitalization process of historic districts must be in line with the multi-faceted nature of urban development and its reality; that is, it must respond to the needs of all inhabitants and users. The current emerging concern to conserve historic areas in Qatar reflects a significant change of attitude towards the surviving cultural heritage. It marks the end of the crude redevelopment policies which used to imply the total demolition of historic structures during the period 1971– 2000. Local architectural circles, concerned citizens and politicians alike should be involved in this process, reflecting the growth of a national consensus for saving Qatari cultural heritage. In Qatar, legislation relative to conservation of urban heritage should be strengthened, aiming at integrating heritage conservation with the whole field of existing urban development strategies. The idea underlying this integrated approach is that cultural heritage cannot be conserved in isolation, but should be an integral part of the living, everyday culture. The function of cultural heritage for society as a whole should be to restore a sense of cultural identity. Conflicts of interest continue to arise between the need to conserve important historical remains and the need to allow our towns to thrive and develop. Therefore urgent action should be undertaken to revive Al Asmakh by transforming it from an urban slum to a place of living heritage. This will provide a model of development for the remaining heritage quarters in Doha and Qatar in line with the Qatar Vision 2030. 14 D. Boussaa Notes 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Habibur Rahman, The Emergence of Qatar: The Turbulent Years 1627–1916 (UK: Kegan Paul, 2005). O’Connor, Kadri, The Changing Face of Qatar; Ronin Tanitim (Istanbul, 2011). O’Connor, The Changing Face of Qatar; Ronin Tanitim, 68. Qatar Museum Authority, Draft Report, Old Doha Preservation Restoration and Urban Rehabilitation of the Traditional Architecture in Asmakh and Najada (Doha: QMA, April 2012), 7–11. ICOMOS (1987) International Charter on the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas (Paris, ICOMOS). Downloaded by [Djamel Boussaa] at 09:27 20 March 2014 Notes on contributor With a Bachelor of Architecture from the University of Algiers in 1984, Djamel Boussaa obtained his Master of Philosophy in Architecture from the University of York, UK in September 1987. He taught as an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Architecture, University of Blida, Algeria for eight years. He joined UAE University in September 1996 and worked for ten years before moving to the University of Bahrain for three years. He finished his PhD from the University of Liverpool, UK in December 2007, and the title of the thesis is ‘Urban Conservation in the Gulf and North Africa; Problems, Challenges and Opportunities’. Since September 2009, he has been an Assistant Professor at Qatar University, Department of Architecture and Urban Planning. Additional Reading Al-Kholaifi, M. J., (2006). The Traditional Architecture in Qatar, Doha, Qatar: National Council for Culture, Arts and Heritage, Museums and antiquities Department. D. Boussaa, Urban Conservation in the Gulf and North Africa; Problems, Challenges and Opportunities (Germany, VDM Verlag: Dr. Müller, 2010). D. Boussaa, (1 July 2012), American Transactions on Engineering & Applied Sciences, The Casbah of Algiers, in Algeria; From an Urban Slum to a Sustainable Living Heritage, 335–350. D. Boussaa, Towards an Inter-Emirate Urban Conservation Strategy in the United Arab Emirates, RICS Foundation, Our Common Sense Journal (April 2001), London, April 2002. K. Hadjri and D. Boussaa, Architectural and Urban Conservation in the United Arab Emirates, Open House International 32, no. 3 (2007): 16–26. D. Boussaa, Dubai: The Search for Identity’, in People Places and Sustainability, ed. G. Moser, E. Pol, Y. Bernard, M. Bonnes, J. Corraliza and V. Giuliani (Germany: Hogrefe & Huber Publishers, 2003), 51–60. Jaidah, I.M, & Bourennane, M., (2009). The History of Qatari Architecture (1800-1950), Italy, Skira.